
interesting, but are by no means all in the line of these conclusions. The professional women,
chiefly considered here, certainly on their own testimony have generally excellent [p. 604]
health; some even insist that pregnancy gives added power of work. To be sure, some testify,
the children of such women lack imagination, moral duality, affection, and other powers, not
perhaps so easily obvious to parents as to others. Indeed, a report might be made out from
these data that would strongly confirm views almost exactly the reverse of the conclusions of
these authors.
My statistics,[68] gathered, like those on marriage-rate, from three colleges by correspondence
with the class secretaries, are as follows: The total number of children born to the 55.4 per cent
of Vassar graduates of the first ten classes ending with that of 1876 who married was 365, or
3.09 per mother, or 2.03 per married member, 58 married members having no children. Of the
next ten classes, ending with that of 1886, 294 children had been born up to the spring of 1903,
2.57 per mother, or 1.53 per married member, 78 married members having no children. The 28
per cent married of the graduates of the next ten years, ending in 1896, bore 135 children, or
1.58 per mother, or 0.79 per married member, 84 married members having no children. Of the
Smith graduates of the first ten years, ending with the class of 1888, had been born in the
spring of 1903, 315 children, 2.08 per mother, or 1.99 per married member, 7 having no
children, and 26 children having died. Of six of the next ten classes ending with that of 1898,
reporting, there were 161 children, or 1.22 per mother, or 0.77 per married member, 78 married
members having no children, and 9 children having died. Of the eight out of the first ten classes
of Wellesley, ending with that of 1888, reporting, there were 311 children, or 2.37 per mother,
or 1.81 per married member, 40 married members having no children, and of these children 25
were dead. Of five of the ten Wellesley classes, ending with that of 1898, reporting, there were
176 children, or 1.67 per mother, or 1.04 per married member, 64 married members having no
children, and 11 children having died. These figures need no comment.
Turning to male colleges, we find that of the Harvard classes graduating from 1860 to 1878, the
average number [p. 605] of children per married man ranges between the extreme of 1.83 and
2.71. The classes 1870 to 1879 average 1.95 per married man and 1.43 per graduate. Amherst
shows a steady decline from four and five children in the earlier decades till, for the six classes
ending with that of 1878, the extremes are 2.4, and 2.92 per father. At Wesleyan the six classes
ending with that of 1870 show a maximum of 2.71 and a minimum of 1.37 per married man. At
Yale the classes 1872 to 1878 average 1.96 per married man, and 1.27 per graduate. At
Bowdoin the classes 1871 to 1877 average only 1.23 per class member. The size of families of
male graduates has greatly declined, those of six and more being once frequent and now very
rare, while families of one, two, and three children only have increased. This is due to many
causes, economic and other. Engelmann concludes that the "male college graduate does more
toward reproducing the population than does the native American of other classes."[69] But
these data for native fecundity are based only on certain classes in two cities and are therefore
too meager, while this standard of comparison should be the country. The delay of marriage is
often very marked, and the increasing number of men who do marry and have no children now
ranges all the way from 10 to 30 per cent. The record of children who die is too incomplete for
inferences or comparisons. It would certainly seem that college men who do marry have little if
any advantage in fecundity over college women, and that the higher education is sterilizing in
its results for both in nearly the same degree. Even families where either parent is a graduate,
especially if infant mortality is taken into account, fall considerably short of reproducing
themselves, while if we consider classes as wholes, women are nearly twice as far from doing
so as men, because but half as many of them marry. Any college that depended on the children
of its graduates would be doomed to extinction, less than one-seventh of the entering classes
of Harvard, e. g., being descendants of previous graduates. Colleges have grown and educated
classes increased till some professions are overcrowded, but old families are being plowed
under and lead-[p. 606]ers are recruited from the class below, so that the question of race
suicide is a very different matter, and the bearing of these facts upon the question of shortening
the college course less direct. Perhaps the inference from all these facts is that the stage of
apprenticeship to life should be prolonged, if graduates represent the advance guard of
progress, bearing the chief burden of the advance and often falling in the front line of battle,
because success is ever harder and progress ever more costly. To give $10,000 tastes and
aspirations on $1,000 incomes tends to delay and perhaps repress the desire for a family, and