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Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro
MADNESS OR MASK OF PREJUDICE? –
REPRESENTATIONS OF WOMAN’S MISCEGENATION AND SEXUALITY
IN
WIDE SARGASSO SEA AND JANE EYRE
Heleno Alvares Bezerra Junior
Dissertação apresentada como requisito parcial para
obtenção do grau de mestre no curso de Mestrado em
Literaturas de Língua Inglesa do programa de Pós-
graduação Strictu Sensu da Universidade do Estado
do Rio de Janeiro.
Orientadora: Prof ª. Dr ª. Maria Conceição Monteiro
Rio de Janeiro
Dezembro/2005.
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MADNESS OR MASK OF PREJUDICE? –
REPRESENTATIONS OF WOMAN’S MISCEGENATION AND SEXUALITY
IN
WIDE SARGASSO SEA AND JANE EYRE
Heleno Alvares Bezerra Junior
Dissertação de Mestrado em Literaturas de Língua Inglesa:
Rio de Janeiro, UERJ, 2005.
102 páginas
BANCA EXAMINADORA
Prof ª. Dr ª. Maria Conceição Monteiro (orientadora) UERJ
______________________________________________________________
_
Prof ª. Dr ª. Magda Velloso Fernandes de Tolentino (titular) UFSJ
______________________________________________________________
Prof ª. Dr ª. Ana Lúcia de Souza Henriques (titular) UERJ
______________________________________________________________
Prof ª. Dr ª. Vera Lima (suplente) UFRJ
______________________________________________________________
Prof ª. Dr ª. Eliane Borges Berutti (suplente) UERJ
Examinada a dissertação em 16 de dezembro de
2005.
Conceito:
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Index
Acknowledgements...................................................................................................................……...4
Resumo.....................................................................................................................................……...5
Abstract.....................................................................................................................................……...6
Epigraph....................................................................................................................................……..7
Introduction...............................................................................................................................……..8
PART A – THE MAKING-OF OF WIDE SARGASSO SEA
Chapter 1 – History and Cultural
Background...............................................................................................................................……14
Chapter 2 – Intertextuality and Parody........................................................................................….33
PART B – FEMINISM, ANTHROPOLOGY AND POST-COLONIALISM
Chapter 1- From Biological Monstrosity to Multiculturalism – Madness, Sexuality and Heredity in
Interception with Gender, Miscegenation and Cultural Hybridity ...............................................…44
1.1-Madness and Gender in Jane Eyre and Wide Sargasso Sea...................................................….46
1.2-Madness, Racial and Cultural Hybridism in Jane Eyre and Wide Sargasso Sea........................68
Conclusion ...........................................................................................……………………………..95
Bibliography................................................................................................................................…...97
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Acknowledgements
It has been a long journey up to this accomplishment and now, when memories brainstorm
me, I recall many people without whom I would not have come thus far. Actually, I am extremely
indebted to Maria Conceição Monteiro, my current supervisor and someone I appreciate not only for
her professionalism, dedication and competence but for humbleness, sensitivity and friendliness.
Thank you, Conceição, for feeding my thoughts, for allowing me to acquire self-confidence and for
reminding me that success and simplicity come under the same letter. You are brilliant and I will
never forget how much you have aided me.
I also owe a lot to Eliane Borges Berutti: my supervisor in the Latu Sensu Program and
someone I have on high account. Thank you, Eliane, for witnessing my improvements in academic
studies and for teaching me how to write professionally. Your hints and suggestions continue being
very helpful. I am still grateful to Ana Lúcia de Souza Henriques. Thank you, Ana, for leading my
first steps at the beginning of Latu Sensu. I will always admire your sense of humanity. There are
other collaborators in my learning process I would like to make notice of: Heloísa Toller, Leila
Assumpção Harris, Lúcia de LaRocque, Maria Aparecida Salgado, Valéria Medeiros and, in
particular, Peonia Viana Guedes. In different ways, you all contributed to my progress and made me
see that literature and passion come together.
I am very thankful to my parents Heleno and Ana Lúcia for sacrificing themselves and
affording my studies up to the under-graduation. Mom and dad, I recognize your effort to offer your
three children the same opportunities and for caring about my health when hard times came. I have
been gifted with your friendship, affection, mindfulness and for rejoicing with my achievements.
Very many thanks to Fernanda, my wife, who motivated me to resume my studies and who has
supported me all the way. Darling, it has been fantastic to take the Master’s with you, to tell you
about my projects and hear about yours, too. It is great to share my life with an extraordinary
woman and to know that we are proud of each other! Thanks to my siblings Heber and Heline and
to special friends: Adriana, Marlene, Onorina, Nilda, Sirene and Sônia. You all mean a lot to me.
Above all, I have no words to express my sincere gratitude to God: my greatest friend ever.
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Resumo
Sob o título de “Madness or Mask of Prejudice? Representations of Woman’s
Miscegenation and Sexuality in Wide Sargasso Sea and Jane Eyre”, esta dissertação objetiva
mostrar como Jean Rhys, autora do primeiro romance, questiona verdades científicas presentes na
narrativa de Charlotte Brontë através da paródia, sobretudo a forma com que a loucura é retratada
em Jane Eyre. Através da intertextualidade, o trabalho enfoca a crítica da autora caribenha a
pensamentos eurocêntricos e a forma com que a mesma transforma hereditariedade feminina em
opressão patriarcal, depravação em liberdade sexual, hibridismo biológico em hibridismo cultural,
degeneração racial em identificação com o negro. Além do mais, o trabalho aponta como o realismo
mágico de Rhys tanto retoma quanto subverte o gênero gótico em Jane Eyre ao desconstruir
verdades vitorianas.
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Abstract
Under the title of “Madness or Mask of Prejudice? Representations of Woman’s
Miscegenation and Sexuality in Wide Sargasso Sea and Jane Eyre”, this dissertation aims at
showing how Jean Rhys, writer of the former novel, questions scientific truths found in Jane Eyre.
Through intertextuality, the research highlights the Caribbean’s author’s criticism to Eurocentricism
and focuses on the way she transforms female heredity into patriarchal oppression, depravation into
sexual freedom, biological hybridism into cultural hybridity, racial degeneration into identification
with blacks. Besides, it points out how Rhys’s conveyance of magic realism both resumes and
subverts the gothic in Jane Eyre by deconstructing Victorian truths.
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There are three phenomena in which the inner person reveals or
conceals itself: mask, role, identity. A mask conceals and it is not
part of the person. Masks seem to alienate people. We are urged to
throw our masks so as to come closer to identity. But the mask,
too, has another side. It protects the personal identity. (...) To that
extent, the mask reaffirms the right of identity and its fitting
expression in certain social situations (AULT, 2005: p. 3)
Adelaide had such a seductive appearance. (...) Wide eyes of
incomparable blackness and brightness (...) from which love and
voluptuousness sprang. The countenance was (...) tanned, but
with a soft and transparent shade (...). The ardent blood of the
two races from which she came could be beheld. Her mouth was
made of two scarlet and fleshy lips with the most voluptuous
curves (...) Out of the union of so distinct races came this
singular and delightful mixture: Adelaide. (...) Her moral
nature was similarly an inexplicable compound of opposite
qualities, which should deviate from each other or remain in
everlasting collision. (...) She was an incomprehensible blend of
boldness and coyness, of tenderness and shyness, of naivete and
malice (GUIMARÃES, 1910: p. 36-7) [My translation] .
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INTRODUCTION
Firstly written in 1945 and published in a definitive version in 1966, Jean Rhys’s
1
Wide
Sargasso Sea is a critically acclaimed rewriting of Jane Eyre (1847) in which the twentieth-century
fictionist revisits and reevaluates Charlotte Brontë’s
2
novel in different ways. Among many things,
Wide Sargasso Sea is a narrative that points out manifestations of prejudice in the matrix text and,
therefore, subverts the English writer’s deployment of the creole madwoman. As Rhys confesses in
her letters, her parody of Jane Eyre is meant to contest the reifying manner in which Brontë
conceptualizes the nineteenth-century Caribbean woman and to plot the other side of Jane Eyre
(RHYS, 1991: p. 21).
Eager for innovation, Rhys transforms Brontë’s Bertha Mason into Antoinette Cosway: a
convincing narrator who, while using her rhetoric and poetical language, seduces the reader with her
sensibility, her awakenings, her desire to be free and her project of revengefulness against her
deceitful husband. Thanks to Antoinette, the reader of Wide Sargasso Sea is invited to doubt the
accounts by the two Rochesters and to question the reasons why Brontë (or Jane Eyre) see(s) the
West-Indian hybrid as a female monster. In short, the parody reacts against Eurocentricism and,
from a post-colonial perspective, it subtly absorbs and re-inscribes certain passages from the former
narrative with a lot of creativity.
Even being concise, Wide Sargasso Sea is much more than a rewriting. It is a very dense
novel, full of symbolic references which, besides criticizing Brontë’s masterpiece, comprises history
and exploits the Caribbean cultural universe. Considering that it took Rhys twenty-one years to
1
Jean Rhys was born in Roseau, Dominica, 1890. Daughter of the famous Welsh Dr. William Rees Williams and Mrs. Ella
Gwendolen Rees Williams, a Creole Caribbean woman of Scottish descent, Rhys was a prolific writer whose work was mostly written
in England, where she spent most of her life. Fictionist and essayist, Rhys wrote Voyage in the Dark (1914); Quartet (1923-4); The
Left Bank and Other Stories (1927); Postures (1928); After Leaving Mr. Mackenzie (1929-30); Good Morning, Midnight (1939); Let
Them Call It Jazz (1948); Wide Sargasso Sea (1966); Tigers are Better Looking [a collection of short stories] (1964); My Day [an
autobiography] (1975); Sleep It Off, Lady [a collection of short stories] (1976). With the enormous success of Wide Sargasso Sea,
Rhys won the W. H. Smith Award in 1966 and, still in the same year, the Heinemann Award of the Royal Society of Literature. Rhys
died at the age of 89 in 1979 in her fatal third heart-attack.
2
Born in Thornton, Yorkshire, in 1816, Charlotte Brontë was the most admired of the Brontë sisters in her own lifetime, being also
the most prolific one. The third daughter of Patrick Brontë, a clergyman from Ireland and Maria Branwell from Penzance, Brontë
wrote The Professor (her first novel published only in 1857); Jane Eyre (1847); Shirley (1849) and Villette (1853). The writer died in
1855 both because of lung problems and complications in her pregnancy.
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finish the narrative, this particular reading of the novel cannot cover the riches of the text in its
totality. Even so, I will focus on the theme of madness in both novels because this issue itself
encompasses an array of intercrossed subjects such as creolization, sexuality, heredity and gender.
Thus, keeping an intertextual dialogism between the two narratives, I aim at showing how
Brontë associates lunacy with miscegenation and female sexuality as well as the manner Rhys
confronts such idea. To support this study, I am going to use pre-Mendelian scientists’ texts and
other materials involving the history of prejudice to the miscegenated such as anthropology, post-
colonialism, post-structuralism and feminism. Based on these studies, I expect to show that, in her
approach to Bertha’s lunacy, Brontë both recurs to science and superstition, exploring different
sides of the Victorian culture, knowledge and imagination.
In Jane Eyre, ideas just like hysteria and nymphomania and the principle of heredity are
clearly presented in Doctor Carter’s diagnosis of Bertha’s insanity and they illustrate what Michel
Foucault says about the pagan, the sorceress, the drunkard, the blasphemous, the animalesque, the
grotesque and the sexually perverted (FOUCAULT, 1978: p. 18-117). This approach also opens the
possibility of mystic explanations to Bertha’s madness, which is advantageous to Brontë’s story for,
at least, two reasons: firstly, because the demonization of the non-white helps the author convey
gothicism; and secondly, because long before Jane Eyre was written, Victorian myths, based on the
principle of eugenics, had already transformed the hybrid’s supposed organic anomalies into
monstrosity (ZACK, 2002: p. 60-9).
Taking it all into account, I would like to raise the hypothesis that miscegenation seems to
pass as the primary factor of Bertha’s madness in Jane Eyre and also what provokes monstrosity.
And why? Though insanity is recognized as a nineteenth-century female malady and Bertha’s
hereditary problems encompass a mother-and-daughter relation, mestizage is presented as an illness
that strikes both male and female members of the family with idiocy, weak lucidity or lunacy. In this
sense, gender seems to work as an intensifier of mental problems and not its generator; especially
because, at that point in history, ideas about biological determinism and racial essentialism were
very strong in a way that both philosophers and physicians thought that culture, behavior,
sexuality and standards of femininity or masculinity were defined by heredity and one’s racial
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condition (ZACK, 2002: p. 21)
3
. Problematizing all these questions, I expect to show the
complexity of Bertha’s madness, miscegenation and sexuality.
Though we learn from Rochester that sexuality is what anticipates the creole’s biological
dysfunctions, we have to consider, at first hand, that she is inherently wild, immoderate and
uncontrollable because her hybrid blood conditions her mental functioning, behavior and sex drive.
After all, at the moment Bertha starts presenting symptoms of a nymphomaniac, (WALKER, 1995:
p. 34) she also seems to go through a process of degeneration that both resembles Victorian myths
and the ‘theory of racial reversion’, defended by pre-Mendelian physicians (YOUNG, 1995: p. 7-
21). Actually, this particularity of the novel is fundamental to this analysis for two reasons: firstly,
because it allows us to detect interdiscourses between science and folk belief in Jane Eyre
(BAKHTIN, 1981: p. 37-8); and secondly, because it is parodically retaken in Wide Sargasso Sea
(ZACK, 2002: p. 60-5; WALKER, 1995: p. 34).
Still concerning Jane Eyre, I would like to mention that, though we must accept that Bertha
is insane because Brontë has created her as such, the Victorian scientific truths that justify her
insanity can be contested if they are viewed in the light of contemporary anthropology, feminism
and post-colonialism. In this way, Bertha’s insanity must always remain intact in the fictional world,
albeit it is preposterous to conceive that, in the twenty-first century, gender, sexuality or racial
mixture may catalyze insanity.
As for Wide Sargasso Sea, I expect to highlight that the construction of madness has nothing
to do with miscegenation, heredity, gender or sexuality but with colonial, patriarchal, eugenic and
positivist truths. Due to this fact, I hope to stress that Rhys ruptures with the idea that Mrs.
Rochester’s hybrid blood is responsible for her sexual desire, relativizing the miscegenated’s
insanity. Another interesting aspect to be considered is the way this author plays with gender,
sexuality and ‘racial degeneration’ while dealing with magic realism. After all, Antoinette’s ultimate
cultural identification with Afro-Caribs, typified by the figure of a female Zombie, both defies
Brontë’s appropriation of Victorian myths and makes us think of Rhys’s heroine as a fighter,
determined to burn the house and conquer freedom. At last, I aim at emphasizing that the end of
3
This reasoning justifies, for example, why this dissertation is entitled Madness as a Mask of Prejudice to Woman’s Miscegenation
and Sexuality.
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Wide Sargasso Sea culminates with questions about post-colonial feminism, besides leading us back
to Bertha’s knocking down Thornfield Hall.
Concerning the sources consulted, I have chosen texts by contemporary anthropologists,
ethnologists, geneticists like Naomi Zack, Theodore Waits, Eliane Azevêdo, Robert Yong, Robin
Andreason, Roger Klare, Richard Popkin, Richard Lewontin and others; post-colonialists such as
Homi Bhabha, Stuart Hall, Paul du Gays and Robert Hyam; thinkers like Michel Foucault, Friedrich
Nietzsche and Immanuel Kant; scientists from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century just like
John Locke, Johan Blumenbach, Charles White, William Edwards, Robert Knox, Charles Darwin
and Alexander Walker; literary theorists such as Linda Hutcheon, Simon Dentith, Gérard Genette,
Mikhail Bakhtin and Dominique Maingueneau; as well as feminists like Elaine Showalter,
Shoshana Felman, Evelyn Keller, Catherine Clément and Lucy Irigaray, whose works have
collaborated with this dissertation a lot.
As far as methodology is concerned, the development of the dissertation is going to be
divided into two parts. PART A functions as a preparation, a preliminary stage to the main subject.
Subdivided into two chapters, this part of the dissertation is supposed to approach two different
aspects of the novel of crucial importance to this study. The first one is “History and Cultural
Background”, a chapter that presents the condition of white miscegenated in the Caribbean between
1780 and 1847.
The following chapter is dedicated to narratology. Being so, “Intertextuality and Parody”
outlines a dialogism between Rhys’s novel and Jane Eyre, pointing out her polyphonic approach to
point-of-view, intentional paradoxes between rhetoric freedom and authorial control. It still shows
how literary conventions about the lunatic’s language are subverted in Wide Sargasso Sea, besides
demonstrating how the narrative metafictionally represents the protagonist’s fragmented identity. In
short, it demonstrates how Wide Sargasso Sea is built. Though this chapter does not include
questions of miscegenation or sexuality necessarily, it sharpens our sensibility to understand how
Rhys transforms Bertha’s biological hybridity into cultural phenomena through parody.
PART B contains only one chapter whose title is “From Biological Monstrosity to
Multiculturalism Madness, Sexuality and Heredity in Interception with Gender, Miscegenation
and Cultural Hybridity”. This part of the dissertation aims at contrasting Brontë’s approach to
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lunacy, mestizage, sexuality, gender and heredity to Rhys’s. Owing to the diverse ingredients that
compose Bertha and Antoinette’s madness, this chapter is going to be subdivided into two sections.
The first one will highlight gender, whereas the second will concentrate on biological and cultural
hybridism. In both subdivisions, I will deal with the issues of sexuality and heredity.
Eventually, the Conclusion is supposed to make a retrospective of the subjects discussed,
besides leading the reader to reflect upon Rhys’s inventiveness and approach to intertextuality in
Wide Sargasso Sea. After all, prejudice to the miscegenated still seems to be strong in English-
speaking countries.
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PART A
THE MAKING-OF OF WIDE SARGASSO SEA
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1- History and Cultural Background
As a matter of fact, Jane Eyre and Wide Sargasso Sea are stories set respectively in England
and in the West Indies, being texts that approach different cultural universes. Jane Eyre is
concerned with the British woman’s financial freedom, a text restricted to Englishness; whereas
Wide Sargasso Sea concentrates on the social structure of Caribbean society. Rhys’s narrative
discusses the dilemmas of a Jamaican young woman who lives in Dominica and problematizes her
difficult relationship with an English husband. Unlike other pieces by Rhys
1
, Wide Sargasso Sea has
been regarded a West-Indian novel:
[L]iterary works (...) are West Indian when the West Indian setting is
crucial. It is (...) [when] there is an artistic statement about West
Indian society, and about an aspect of the West Indian experience. In
Wide Sargasso Sea Jean Rhys employs a variety of devices detailed
descriptions of place and weather; casual references to the colour of
the sky and degrees of light of heat and shade; allusion to the scents
and tints of flowers; and sometimes, (...) observations of a native’s
behavior all of which bring to the reader’s senses a landscape felt
and recognized by a West Indian as his own (RAMCHAND, 1976: p.
92).
Differently from Wide Sargasso Sea, Jane Eyre is a text in which names of colonies such as
Jamaica or the Madeira Islands are mentioned in passing and never integrate the setting itself.
Obviously, it has to do with the fact that Jane Eyre aims at approaching the protagonist’s
autobiography and focusing on her trajectory inside her country. However, it may also have to do
with Eurocentricism
2
and with the English society’s neglect of colonized communities. As J. H.
1
Even born in Dominica, Rhys is mostly known as a British writer because her work in general focuses on the subhuman situation of
Caribbean women in England and not in the West Indies. As Wide Sargasso Sea does not follow this trend, the masterpiece is
viewed not only as an exception but as a unique creation that gave Rhys the possibility to be recognized both as an English and a
Caribbean writer.
2
By Eurocentricism, Stuart Hall means total concern with Europe and forgetfulness about the existence of colonies or their problems.
In other contexts, Hall explains that Eurocentricism signifies a European view of the world, also called ‘the English Eye” (HALL, 1997:
p.174-6). Though Brontë’s Eurocentricism may not be justifiable, it is important to know that England is a privileged space in Jane
Eyre since Brontë’s main objective in this novel is to denounce inner problems in the metropolis, especially the fact that, in spite of
the country’s economic growth and industrial development, woman’s role and male oppression remained practically the same.
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Parry and P. M. Sherlock point out in A Short History of the West Indies (1956), the ordinary
English citizen only envisaged the benefits of colonization and did not witness the miseries of the
enslaving system. As one may read in an anonymous English pamphlet from 1749:
The most approved Judges of the Commercial Interests of these Kingdoms
have ever been of the opinion that our West-India and African Trades are
the most nationally beneficial of any we carry on. It also allowed on our
Hands, that the trade to Africa is the Branch which renders our American
colonies and plantations so advantageous to Great Britain: that Traffic only
affording our Planters a constant supply of Negro Servants for the Culture
of their Lands in the Produce of Sugars, Tobacco, Rice, Rum, Cotton,
Fustick, Pimento and other Plantation Produce (Apud PARRY &
SHERLOCK, 1956: p. 110-1).
Though this quotation comes from an eighteenth-century pamphlet, it perfectly illustrates the
Victorian mentality and clarifies why the colonized is relegated to a marginal position in Jane Eyre.
Both in historical texts and in fiction, the colonizer was so concerned with his/her own world that
the Other was almost invisible in the European scenario. That is why Rhys decides to re-approach
Brontë’s Bertha Mason: a lay figure and oblique character that inhabits the darkest parts of
Thornfield Hall. In Jane Eyre, Mrs. Rochester is always concealed in the attic and when Jane starts
working as a governess at Mr. Rochester’s, she has no idea that there is a madwoman upstairs. Jane
even suspects that there is something weird on the upper floor, especially after Richard Mason
(Bertha’s brother) is stabbed late at night. But once Rochester explains that Mrs. Poole a drunk
housekeeper – is responsible for the misfortune, Jane cannot go against his word.
Some events happen in the story when Jane accepts Mr. Rochester’s proposal of marriage.
Nevertheless, she is taken aback when gazing at Bertha: a ghost-like creature that, while appearing
around midnight, not only frightens her but sets fire to the wedding veil. By then, Jane feels
reluctant to get married; but still, she keeps her commitment. For a while, Bertha retreats from the
story and just reappears after the non-accomplished wedding ceremony. To Jane’s surprise, the
ghost is, as a matter of fact, Mrs. Rochester: a Jamaican woman who has lived imprisoned in the
mansion for ten years because of mental problems.
From this moment on, monstrous Bertha is taken out of the shadows to be seen up-front as
an abominable and disgusting being who attacks any unadvertised victim voraciously due to her
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raging madness. Since then, Bertha’s past is revealed from Rochester’s point-of-view while the
madwoman remains silenced. According to him, his father had sent him to Jamaica to marry a
beautiful and wealthy creole girl because of her dowry. As Rochester claims, Bertha’s obsession
with sex had driven her mad.
Claiming to feel profoundly lost and disappointed, Rochester decides to take his wife to
England and confine her upstairs. After doing it, he leaves Thornfield Hall to enjoy the world.
Nearly at the end of the story, the madwoman burns the house down and, although she dies in the
blazing battlement, she manages to destroy his home and injure his health seriously once and for all.
Unsatisfied with Bertha’s oblivion in Jane Eyre, Rhys contrasts the interests of the colonizer
with those of the colonized in Wide Sargasso Sea, counteracting the European gaze with the West-
Indian view of the world. Furthermore, the text elicits that the Caribbean is far from being
homogeneous, consisting of an archipelago where the French and the English both imposed their
languages, values, lifestyle and provoked lots of social problems by creating discrepant class
differences through slavery.
Briefly speaking, Wide Sargasso Sea is a novel that focuses on Antoinette, daughter of Mr.
Cosway, a deceased miscegenated Jamaican slave-owner once married to Annette, a beautiful young
white creole, come from a slave-owning Martinique family. The story starts when Antoinette is still
a child and suggests that the family’s bankruptcy as well as her father’s death have to do with the
Emancipation Act, which gave the slaves the right to be free in 1833.
The novel also highlights the solution to the family’s financial problems through Annette’s
marrying Mr. Mason, an English gentleman who, for underestimating the political articulation of the
ex-slaves, gives them the opportunity to set fire onto Coulibri and burn Pierre: Antoinette’s baby
brother. From this moment on, the novel presents Annette’s revolt with Mason, her seclusion in a
place where she is induced to alcoholism, raped and finally declared mad. Meanwhile, Antoinette
stays in Mount Calvary Convent, Spanish Town, Jamaica, until the age of seventeen. When the girl
is about to leave school, she is informed by Christophine, one of the family’s servants, that her
mother is dead. Soon afterwards, Mason takes her out of the convent to live with him because he
wants her to get married.
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The novel shifts to Rochester and Antoinette’s honeymoon when he remembers the
difficulties in convincing her to accept their arranged union. By then, Rochester boasts of his
conquering her and of becoming rich with the transference of Antoinette’s assets to his name.
Though he claims not to feel any affection to his wife, he cannot help confessing how thirsty he felt
for her love-making. Everything is fine until the moment he receives a letter from a stranger telling
him that Antoinette is very likely to become mad just like her parents. Having his curiosity aroused,
Rochester suspects that her strange habits may have to do with insanity in a way he starts
investigating about her past.
After getting in touch with very different reports about the Cosways, Rochester feels lost.
Knowing also that Antoinette keeps a love affair with Sandi Cosway, he refuses to get divorced and
to let her live freely. Of course, his indifference affects her a lot. So much so that she starts drinking
very often and staying in her bedroom with the hair uncombed. According to Rochester, the hatred
she feels for him makes her look like a Zombie or a witch sometimes. Owing to this, he takes her to
England secretly and locks her in a room at Thornfield Hall. Since then, we are acquainted with
Antoinette’s memories and plans of revenge. While identifying with blacks in the last stage of her
life, she remembers how Coulibri is knocked down and decides to set fire to Thornfield Hall just as
the ex-slaves had destroyed her beloved home. At last, Antoinette imagines she will fly off the
battlements the same way Coco, her mother’s old parrot, flew out of Coulibri. Refreshed by the
incoming wind, she fancies about soaring away towards freedom and does so.
For the reader to understand what is presented in Wide Sargasso Sea, he/she should take a
look at the historical events cited in the text. Otherwise, he/she will not able to figure out why
Antoinette’s family lives in a chaos and why the English appear in a superior position in the story.
Due to this fact, I propose to go over certain historical episodes involving Martinique and Jamaica
prior to the 1830’s and 40’s the phase in which Rhys’s story takes place. As this writer confesses,
Wide Sargasso Sea is “about the West Indies 1780 something, [though] (...) all action take[s] place
between 1834 and 1845 [let us] say” (RHYS, 1984: p. 133, 45).
From the fifteenth century to the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Spanish Crown
had been practically the only owner of such lands, but since the 1630’s, the political and economical
panorama in the archipelago was pretty much changed because of wars, invasions, agreements and
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concessions in a way that the Spaniards gradually lost lands to the French and the English Empires
(PARRY & SHERLOCK, 1956: p. 1-94). In Construções de Identidades Pós-Coloniais na
Literatura Antilhana (1998), Eurídice Figueiredo explains that Martinique and Guadeloupe became
French territories in 1635, when Frenchmen partly expelled and exterminated the Caraibans, natives
of the land, and started a sugar-cane plantation based on an enslaving system (p. 13-4). Whereas
Jamaica only became a British island in 1655, when the capital city – formerly named St. Jago de la
Veja – started being called Spanish Town.
In the second half of the seventeenth century, French- and English-speaking communities
started being formed in the West Indies. So much so that, during the eighteenth-century, the British
Caribbean was composed of Jamaica, Dominica, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, the Grenadines,
Grenada, Antigua and Barbuda, Saint Kitts, Crooked Islands, Christopher-Nevis and Anguilla,
Virgin Islands, Turks and Caicos (Leeward Islands), Anguish Island, British Honduras (Belize), the
Cayman Islands, Trinidad and Tobago as well as Mosquito Coast (Nicaragua). The French Islands,
however, were composed by Martinique, Saint-Domingue (Haiti) and Guadeloupe (integrated by
Basse-Terre, Grande-Terre, Marie-Galant, la Désirade, les Saintes, Saint-Bathélemy).
For sure, the commercial competition between the British and the French colonizers created
a hostile atmosphere among them, provoking social and political divergences which not only
pervaded the eighteenth century but that grew stronger in the nineteenth century. At the very
opening of Wide Sargasso Sea, we learn of cultural differences between Jamaica and Martinique. As
Antoinette narrates, her mother Annette was always prejudiced in Jamaica for being Martinique:
“The Jamaican ladies had never approved of my mother (...) because she was pretty (...), worse
still, [she was] a Martinique girl”
3
. In spite of the Jamaicans’ disdain, Antoinette speaks of
Martinique with passion and describes it as a very special place where one can find the novelties of
the French fashion: “She [Antoinette] seemed pleased when I [Rochester] complimented her on her
dress and she told me she had it made in Saint Pierre, Martinique. ‘They call this fashion à la
Josephine’. / ‘You talk of Saint Pierre as though it were Paris,’ I said. / ‘But it is the Paris of the
West Indies’” (WSS, p. 46).
3
RHYS, Jean. Wide Sargasso Sea. Hilary Jenkins ed. London: Penguin Books, 2001. p. 3. Every quotation of this novel still to be
made will come from the same edition, represented by the initials WSS and followed by page number.
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To think that the British and the French colonies were two worlds apart would be absurd.
Actually, the novel presents the Caribbean as a place of cultural interchange. Despite political
problems, there used to be marriages between people from different islands, which is the case of Mr.
and Mrs. Cosway. Owing to this, Antoinette herself experiences multiculturalism. Even being
Jamaican, like her father, she has a French name because of her mother. Another evidence of
cultural diversity is the coexistence of English and French languages in Antoinette’s ordinary life.
Albeit she speaks English almost all the time, Coco the parrot only reproduces sentences in
French: “he could say Qui est là? Qui est là? and answer himself Ché Coco, Ché Coco (WSS, p.
21).
In fact, the parallelism between English and French is very interesting mainly when it comes
to the linguistic condition of Dominica. According to Figueiredo, although this island was officially
British, its dwellers were bilinguals due to a massive settlement by families from Martinique and
Guadeloupe during the nineteenth century (FIGUEIREDO, 1998: 20). It explains why Antoinette
feels cozy at her summerhouse in Dominica: because that is the place where she can exercise her
double cultural identity more freely, without the duty of having to be totally British- or French-like.
Both Mr. Cosway’s death and Annette’s financial problems in 1834 are related to a historical
process that must be carefully observed from the eighteenth century onwards. Owing to this, I am
now going to present the uplift and the decadence of the colonial activities that shattered the
Jamaican economy in the first half of the nineteenth century and triggered so many social
transformations. As Lowell Joseph Ragatz points out in The Fall of the Planter Class in the British
Caribbean (1763-1833) (1971), during the eighteenth century, plantations were vital to the economy
of the United Kingdom. Most of the materials the early European industries worked with came from
the colonies. Therefore, overseas projects promised ample and immediate returns.
Banks offered loans for agricultural enterprises, which soon became an extensive form of
investment. Planting in British territory, almost from its origin, tended to be a capitalist undertaking.
Small holdings with resident owners rapidly disappeared and the large plantation came to be the
normal unit of production. Huge profits flowed into great proprietor’s coffers, and they retired
beyond the Atlantic to enjoy them. The islands became mere places of temporary residence for all
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whites with the slightest pretension to quality in a way Caribs could boast of few long-established
families. Great Britain was the home in which all interests and thought of the future were centered.
As for the French colonies, they suffered with manifold disasters in the days of the Grand
Monarch. No surplus funds were available for extra-European speculation and, in consequence, the
French Caribbean held but slight attraction for others than people of average means. Thirsty for
wealth, newcomers arrived without heavy credit backing to become owners of moderate-sized
properties but could not make their dreams come true. In face of financial difficulties, small planters
in the British islands sought equal opportunity under the Bourbon flag. However, the only French
possession in which great holdings were general was Saint-Domingue. Martinique and Guadeloupe,
otherwise, were not so productive.
Undoubtedly, the Europeans faced many problems and the greatest obstacle of all in this
enterprise was the tropical heat. Climatic conditions made an economic system based on free
European workers impossible. Hence, arose a regime of enslaving labor which not only doomed the
natives to extinction but that catalyzed the transatlantic importation of Africans to Central America.
The production of cotton, sugar-cane and tobacco was responsible for a terrible saga, for plantations
depended on African slaves who, after surviving diseases, underfeeding, dehydration on board of
hired vessels, led a subhuman lifestyle in Central America (RAGATZ, 1971: p. 10-20). According
to Parry and Sherlock, the enslaving system was the indispensable handmaid of the sugar industry
(1956: p. 95). In conformity with this affirmative, Rhys’s Rochesters comments, “Slavery was not a
matter of liking or disliking. (...) It was a question of justice” (WSS, p. 94).
Viewed as commodities, Africans enriched their proprietors. The more sugar expanded at
the expense of tobacco, the greater the need of importing forced workmanship; but provided that to
transport slaves to the West Indies was difficult, the problem of organizing a regular and reliable
supply of slaves became a major preoccupation of the government. Many slaves were short-lived
due to the laboring conditions, to the constant rise of seasonal epidemics and landowners assumed
that replacement was more economical than rearing slave children. However, if supply failed, even
for a year or two, sugar production would suffer.
Since the beginning of slave trade, slave-traders had followed a triangular route. They used
to bring workers to the American Continent, to deliver the expected sugar in European ports and to
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go back to Africa in search of more slaves. But with the increasing demand of sugar and the
impossibility to coincide sailings with harvests, plantation owners were forced to double their
commitment with English factors by shipping sugar loads in special ships. Thus, more than never,
sugar was crucial to the Caribbean economy.
Life on land was harsh, too. The long-termed rivalry between England and France always
caused turmoil, mainly because their armies were always invading each other’s territories.
Furthermore, there were several social revolutions because the slaves were not as passive as
expected. After the impact of the French Revolution over the Francophone colonies, freedom was
longed for by different classes and in distinct ways. Slaves aspired the abolition, mulattoes and
white creoles expected to become slave-owners and the old slave-owning aristocracy raised the cry
of ‘liberty’, hoping to run business their own way. Actually, this agitation menaced the whites for
two reasons. On the one hand, blacks refused to work as slaves; and on the other hand, mulattoes
and creoles promised to be potential competitors. Imitating Hispanic colonialists, Saint-Domingue
planters started idealizing political independence. However, their inexperience in battles made them
very vulnerable to attacks.
The ‘liberty French-speaking sugar-growers sought from the Estates General was obviously
unilateral and contradictory since it expected to maintain slaving labor. Amidst so many conflictive
and discrepant expectations, polemics and discordance only increased in Paris. After all, the
institution of slavery was under fire in France. Montesquieu’s ideas of egalitarian conditions for all
inspired the Amis de Noirs (Negroes’ Friends), a body recently formed that fought for the end of
slavery. While the Amis de Noirs voraciously demanded that the National Assembly should legislate
on the rights of free persons of color, colonial representatives like Moreau de Saint-Méry defended
Martinique planters’ interests in the assembly, criticizing the abolitionist movement. This political
unrest grew so much that, in March, 1791, Moreau published a manifesto entitled Considérations,
in which he claimed the agricultural class to be betrayed by the government:
If the National Assembly has the misfortune to legislate on the
mulatto status, all is over. The colonists will believe themselves
betrayed; the mulattoes, instigated by their friends, will go to the last
extremity. And then the slaves, who possesses the same friends and
the same means of action, will seek the same results. The colonies
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will soon be only a vast shamble: and France __ ? (...) The mulattoes
themselves are but pawns in a larger game. For if once our slaves
suspect that there is a power other than their masters which holds
the final disposition of their fate; if they once see that the mulattoes
have successfully invoked this power and by its aid have become our
equals then France must renounce all hope of preserving her
colonies (Apud PARRY & SHERLOCK, 1956: p. 162-3).
Despite his manifesto, Moreau’s appeal ended in tragedy. The National Assembly at first
promised not to legislate on colonial matters but they finally came down on the side of the Amis de
Noirs. The decree of 15 May 1791 provided that persons of color born of free parents, if qualified in
other respects, should be entitled to vote for the provincial and colonial assemblies, which had been
established by royal decree only four years earlier. As expected, the white inhabitants disobeyed the
decree; the local governor refused to enforce it; and there was much wild talk of secession from
France. The mulattoes in some parishes were already in arms, demanding what they regarded as
their rights: the execution of one of their leaders. In August 1791, in answer to signals conveyed by
drum-beats, the slave population of the northern plain rose in revolt, systematically setting fire to
cane fields and houses and murdering the white inhabitants through nocturnal ritual gatherings.
Within a few weeks the whole plain was smoking in ruin, given over to bands of prowling savages.
The northern rising was the first concerned slave revolt on a large scale in the history of the
West Indies. It was a terrifying revelation of the explosive force of stifled savage hatred. Once it had
begun, it clearly could not be suppressed by the few thousand white inhabitants and the handful of
regular troops available. The mulattoes and semi-whites, already emancipated, feared the slaves as
much as the whites did; but suspicion and prejudice prevented any effective alliance. The most
incredible savagery was conducted on both sides. It has been estimated that in the first two months
2,000 whites were killed, 180 sugar plantations and 900 coffee and indigo settlements were
destroyed. Thousands of slaves died either fighting, by famine, or at the executioner’s hands. The
total white population of the province cannot have been more than 10,000 against slaves who
counted as, at least, twenty times that number. Cap Français and a string of fortified camps in the
western mountain were soon the only places under white control in the north province.
In the west, there was yet no slave revolt, but whites and the biracial were at war with one
another. Led by Rigaud, the hybrids were gaining the upper hand, except in Port-au-Prince, where
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the population was being terrorized by a poor-white mob under criminal leaders. In the south, white
planters had armed their slaves against emancipated multiracials. Everywhere, Grands Blancs and
Petits blancs, royalists and revolutionaries, mulattoes and blacks fought in bloody confusion. The
only hope of restoring order lay in the dispatch of troops from France. The Jacobean party in the
National Assembly, however, resolutely opposed to any move in support of slave-owning colonists
and a royal governor. With the consequent rise in price of sugar and coffee, they made, of the chaos
in Saint-Domingue, a useful stick to beat the government with, making resounding speeches about
the sufferings of the slaves, the oppressions practiced by the colonists. At last, all attempts to send
troops to the colonies were blocked.
It was only in September 1792, after the Jacobeans had gained control of the Assembly, that
an army reached Saint-Domingue. A revolutionary battalion, under the orders of Jacobean
‘commissioners’ sent out to enforce the rule of liberty, equality and fraternity. In this, they were
fanatically sincere; but practical results of their efforts caused immense bloodshed and complete
disorganization. Their leader, Sonthonax, faced with royalist resistance, had no choice but to
associate himself with the revolted slaves, who in June 1793, at his instigation, entered and sacked
the town of Cap Français. In August, he proclaimed a conditional emancipation. This decree, when
subsequently confirmed by the republican government in France, had momentous consequences.
However, it alienated mulattoes and semi-whites both in Martinique and in Saint-Domingue in a
way that many of them became slave-owners. All these social changes in French islands also
affected the British territories like Jamaica and, little by little, mulattoes and creoles would also
become plantation-owners in the Anglophone West Indies (PARRY & SHERLOCK, 1956: p. 106-
65).
These historical events explain why Antoinette’s predecessors were sugar-crop farmers and
slave-owners. In Wide Sargasso Sea, Annette naturally remarks that Christophine once became her
slave because the latter was one of her wedding gifts: “She was your father’s wedding present to me
one of his presents. He thought I would be pleased with a Martinique girl. I don’t know how old
she was when they brought her to Jamaica, quite young. I don’t know how old she is. Does it
matter?” (WSS, p. 6).
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Black people’s resentment to the social rise of miscegenated in French and English colonies
increased rapidly and became international between 1790 and 1834. Unsatisfied with the half-
blooded’s social ascension, slave leaders from Jamaica such as Boukman and Christophe from Saint
Kitts spread rebellion against colonial governments, especially in Saint-Domingue (PARRY &
SHERLOCK, 1956: p. 165). Owing to the blacks’ revolt, in 1793 both Spain and England sent
troops to help the French. The immediate purpose was to rescue the white colonists and to suppress
the slave rising; incidentally to embarrass the French government; and ultimately to annex part of
the colony to the English lands.
A small British army, backed by a naval squadron, entered the country through the port of
Jérémie in the south; a district which had long been in close commercial and cultural contact with
Jamaica. In March 1794, they took Port-au-Prince, but the question whether or not the sugar and
coffee planters would recover their old productivity was never answered. The outbreak of the
second maroon
4
war in Jamaica (1795) – inspired in the example of the French islands – thoroughly
alarmed the government of Jamaica which, while awaiting for reinforcements, darted to a
disadvantageous position. Though considerable forces eventually arrived from England, they were
all fresh ‘unseasoned’ troops, unprepared and insufficient to extinguish the guerilla (PARRY &
SHERLOCK, 1956: p. 165-7).
Many fights involving maroons, whites and miscegenated proceeded. But then, in 1799, after
four years of wasting war, the invasion petered out because of the yellow fever and by the
intervention of François Toussaint: an ex-slave on a north-plain estate who joined the battalion on
behalf of the miscegenated. In 1800, Toussaint put a stop to indiscriminate massacre in French
colonies, respected his contracts with England, ordered his mobs of ex-slaves back to work and
4
As Mary Lou Emery points out in Jean Rhys at “World’s End”: Novels of Colonial and Sexual Exile (1990), maroons were original
inhabitants of the islands who survived the genocidal tactics of the colonizers until then. In Saint-Domingue, they attempted to
destroy their oppressors by poisoning whites and their own obedient followers. In Dominica and in Jamaica, the maroons finally
terrorized the British into a compromise. A treaty, signed since 1739, granted them freedom and 1500 acres on which they could
plant anything but sugar. In their return for freedom, they had agreed to defend the island against foreign invaders. Nonetheless, in
1795, the maroons fought against English colonists, imitating blacks from French colonies (1990: p. 426). In Wide Sargasso Sea,
maroons are indirectly mentioned. When Annette goes poverty-stricken and has her only horse poisoned by blacks, she says she
‘goes marooned’ not only for feeling abandoned but because she notices the ex-slaves are reproducing old maroon practices: “I
[Antoinette] saw (...) [my mother’s] horse lying down under the frangipani tree. I went up to him but he was not sick, he was dead and
his eyes were black with flies. (...) [H]e had been poisoned. ‘Now we are marooned,’ my mother said, ‘now what will become of us?’
(...) My mother walked over to the window. (‘Marooned,’ said her straight narrow back, her carefully coiled hair. Marooned’)” (WSS, p.
9).
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defeated the maroons. In this way, more creoles ascended socially both in French and in English
colonies, which intensified the blacks’ hatred to rich white miscegenated. Actually, the
consequences of this social tension were drastic. So much so that Rhys fictionally problematizes
them in Wide Sargasso Sea in the year of 1834.
The free wealthy white creoles were comparatively few in number, and were, for the most
part, more concerned to secure for themselves the privileges enjoyed by white people than to
advance the cause of the slaves. They included men of substance and culture. Being so, they were
bound by common interests with white planters. In Grenada, 1823, they obtained their demand for
full citizenship, but in Jamaica, the assembly obstinately withstood their claims. Rebuffed by the
assembly in Barbadoes and Jamaica, they appealed to the British government. Finally, in 1832, most
of the mestizos sided with Baptist and Methodist missionaries who advocated emancipation, albeit
others stuck to Catholicism. In spite of these modifications in the West Indies, the rising classes did
not keep their status in a long run, especially in British colonies.
For all these reasons, Annette and Antoinette are prejudiced in Jamaica. In conformity with
history, they are hated by Europeans who live in Jamaica: “Real white people, (...) [t]hey didn’t look
at us [when we were poor], nobody see them come near us (...). I’ve heard English women call us
white niggers” (WSS, p. 8, 61). The same way whites ignore Annette and Antoinette, blacks do not
make friends with white creoles because they strive to pass as pure whites, denying their African
descent. In this way, Afro-Caribs call creoles ‘white cockroaches’: “One day a little [black] girl
followed me singing, ‘Go away white cockroach, go away, go away. Nobody want you. Go away’”
(WSS, p. 7).
As a matter of fact, Annette believes she belongs to a higher rank. Denying her birracial
lineage, she makes of the myth of whiteness a survival strategy: “my mother [was] without a
shadow of doubt not English, but no white nigger either. Not my mother. Never had been. Never
could be” (WSS, p. 17). Although Antoinette is sure that neither she or her mother are real whites,
she is instructed to despise the ex-slaves and not to talk to blacks unless they are familiar to her: “I
never looked at any strange negro” (WSS, p. 7, 15). In her childhood, Antoinette is forbidden to
address her relatives. So, when she meets her cousin Sandi, Antoinette is forced to look indifferent:
“I knew who he was, his name was Sandi, Alexander Cosway’s son. Once I would have said ‘my
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cousin Sandi’ but Mr. Mason lectures had made my shy about my coloured relatives. I muttered,
‘Thank you’” (WSS, p. 27).
Having problems with blacks, whites and other miscegenated, Antoinette does not know
where she belongs and faces lots of difficulties with cultural identification. Forging sameness before
the English, she tries to act like a white woman. Notwithstanding, her theatricality does not work
out. The more she tries to conceal her displacement, the less she behaves naturally. As Rochester
says, his wife has never covered up her uneasiness before the English: “‘[English] people came to
see us and though I [Antoinette] was still afraid of their cool, teasing eyes, I learned to hide it.’ ‘No,’
I [Rochester] said. ‘Why no?’ ‘You have never learned to hide it.’ ‘I learned to try,’ said Antoinette.
Not very well, I thought” (WSS, p. 84). Discovering, then, that Rochester looks down at her,
Antoinette instantly feels breathless and shocked. Nevertheless, by getting plainly aware of her
social displacement, she awakens to see it is not worth imitating whites: “So between you and I
often wonder who I am and where is my country and where I do belong and why was I ever born at
all” (WSS, p. 63).
As Gordon Haight elicits in The Portable Victorian Reader (1972), in 1823 the situation of
planters in Jamaica began to grow troublesome and only worsened until 1834. Threatened by the
success of some English abolitionists, the plantation class was, more than ever fragile and unstable.
Though sugar-cane growers managed to create palliatives just like the “apprenticed labour” (a kind
of servility with some amelioration that camouflaged slavery), intellectuals engaged in human rights
in England reacted against that practice, demanding a firm determination by the British authorities
(HAIGHT, p. 278). As for Annette and Antoinette, they only get over the crisis because the former
marries a rich Englishman. Had Annette not married Mason, the Cosways might have died of
starvation: “[Mom was] very poor (...) for five years. Isn’t it quick to say” (WSS, p. 82).
As a matter of fact, a very small percentage of the English society was really concerned with
the slaves’ abolition in English West-Indian colonies. Prejudice against blacks and the miscegenated
was appalling, especially because science anchored the English’s racial superiority. In theory, the
country would have no reason to listen to the abolitionists, had not been the ambition of industry
owners. Since Queen Victoria’s enthroning in 1832, the bourgeoisie started enlarging the consuming
market in the colonies and became interested in furnishing industrialized products to the 350, 000
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negroes who worked without any sort of remuneration in Central America. Other kinds of promising
business, just like the East-Indian tea, helped the industrial sector to undo their close commitment
with the Caribbean sugar suppliers. With the beginning of the Victorian Age, the United Kingdom
was extremely vast and powerful, controlling many other territories all over the world.
Besides ruling over Ireland, Scotland, Wales, the Ionian Islands in Greece and the German
high sea island of Helgoland, the English still owned part of Canada (including the Newfoundland)
and many places in Africa such as British Somaliland, Lesotho (Basutoland), Cape Colony and
Natal (South Africa), Bechuanaland (Botswana), Gambia, Kenya, Gold Coast (Ghana), Lagos
(Nigeria), Niger Coast Protectorate (British New Zealand), Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), Orange
River Colony, Zimbabwe, Nyasaland (Malawi), Sierra Leone, Witu Protectorate, Mauritius,
Swaziland, Eastern Seychelles, Tanganyika, Uganda, Zanzibar and Sudan belonged to Great Britain.
The kingdom also comprised some other regions in Asia like the Colony and Protectorate of
Aden (South Arabia), British Indian Ocean Territory, Brunei, Burma, Ceylon, Cyprus, Federated
Malay States, Fuji, Hong Kong, India, Liu Kung Taw (China), Malacca, Malaya (Malaysia),
Maldives, Palestine, Penang, Straits Settlement, Wei Leiwei. On top of it all, there were also
particular territories on the Pacific like Australia (including Queensland and New South Wales),
New Zealand and Guinea (Papua) and other islands such as Gilbert and Ellice Islands (Republic of
Kiribati and Tuvalu), New Hebrides (Vanuatu), Western Pacific High Commission (Niue), Victoria
Colony, Solomon’s Islands under the British control. The British Imperialism was so strong by then
that even part of Antarctica belonged to the Mother Kingdom. That is why England is depicted as a
place of international transactions in Wide Sargasso Sea: “England, rosy pink in the geography book
map, but on the page opposite the words are closely crowded, heaving looking. Exports, coal, iron,
wool. Then Imports and Character of Inhabitants. Names, Essex, Chelmsford on the Chelmer. The
Yorkshire and Lincolnshire wolds” (WSS, p. 69).
With the apogee of the British Imperialism, the West-Indian planters were told to set their
slaves free, which was received with great disapproval; but since they were promised an indemnity
for their losses, planters reluctantly abdicated from their workmanship in a way the Emancipation
Act finally became law in 1833. In Wide Sargasso Sea, this episode is skeptically presented. As
Christophine previews, abolition brings no betterment to blacks but punishment to delivered
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workers: “‘No more slavery!’ She had to laugh! ‘These new ones have Letter of the Law. Same
thing. They got magistrate. They got fine. They got jail house and chain thing. They got machine to
mash up people’s feet. New ones [masters] worse than old ones more cunning, that’s all’” (WSS,
p. 10).
For sure, abolition in British colonies could not solve the sociopolitical dilemma in Jamaica.
Indeed, the so longed governmental gratification never came, leading planters to bankruptcy: “the
sugar works and water wheel (...) had not turned for years” (WSS. p. 11). Owing to the
Emancipation Act, Mr. Cosway drinks himself to death in accordance with historical events:
“Emancipation troubles killed old Cosway (...) the estate was going downhill for years before that.
He drank himself to death. (...) She [Annette] never did anything to stop him – she encouraged him
(WSS, p. 13).
Haight affirms that, in great affliction, 15,000 representatives of the agrarian economy would
throw themselves under the protection of The United States and to protest against the Parliament’s
deliberation on the streets of Spanish Town. Thus, acting similarly to the eighteenth-century
mulattoes, slave-owners gathered together to make barbarism by setting fire to Evangelical churches
between 1833 and 1834, which was responded by means of retaliation. Between 1834 and 1835, the
delivered blacks burned down many farms and crops, killing many people and destroying what was
left of the discontented planters (HAIGHT, 1972: p. 278-80). This event, as well, is alluded to in
Wide Sargasso Sea. While hearing about past wars, Rochester understands why there is debris
everywhere in Jamaica: “Certainly many houses were burned. You saw ruins all over the place”
(WSS, p. 84). Antoinette also says that “[m]any died in those days, both white and black, especially
the older people” (WSS, p. 83). She still adds that black mutineers took her family aback, forced
them out of their lands and reduced their farmhouse to ashes:
‘Oh, my God, they get at the back, they set fire to the back of the house’
[said Mannie]. (...) [There was] nothing but smoke. (...) They threw water
(....) but the smoke rolled over the pool. It seems they have they have fired
the other side of the house,’ said Aunt Cora. (...) Somebody yelled [from
outside], ‘But look the black Englishman! Look the white niggers! Look the
damn white niggers!’ (...) Come on, for God’s sake,’ said Mr. Mason. ‘Get
to the carriage, get to the horses.’ But we could not move for they pressed
too close round us. Some of them were laughing and waving sticks, some of
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the ones at the back were carrying flambeaux and it was light as day. (...)
[E]verybody was pointing at Coco on the glacis railings with his feathers
alight. He made an effort to fly down but his clipped wings failed him and
he fell screeching. He was all on fire. (...) Mannie took up the carriage whip
but one of the blacker men wrenched it out of his hand, snapped it over his
knee and threw it away. (...) The house was burning, the yellow-red sky was
like sunset and I knew I would never see Coulibri again. Nothing would be
left (...) (WSS, p. 19-22).
So far, I have talked about eighteenth-century historical events that culminate in the year the
novel starts and the social problems nineteenth-century wealthy creoles experienced in Jamaica both
in fiction and out of the fictional realm. However, now I would like to discuss another point of
utmost importance to this study: the historical symbolism of the novel’s title.
As a matter of fact, the author confesses in a letter to Francis Wyndham (March 29, 1958)
that, despite stylish, exquisite and extremely significant for someone acquainted with Caribbean
culture, the phrase ‘wide sargasso sea’ may not be very clear if one is unaware of its historical
meaning and the metaphor it evokes. Owing to this, Rhys felt reluctant to adopt this title, but, at last,
she ended up sticking to it. As Rhys comments, “‘The First Mrs. Rochester’ is not right. Nor, of
course is ‘creole’. That has a different meaning now. I hope I’ll get one soon, for titles mean a lot to
me. Almost half the battle. I thought of ‘Sargasso Sea’ or ‘Wide Sargasso Sea’ but nobody knew
what I meant” (RHYS, 1984: p. 136).
According to Rachel Carlson’s “The Sargasso Sea” (1961), mid-ocean regions, bounded by
the currents that sweep around the ocean basins, are in general, deserts of the sea. There are few
birds and few surface-feeding fish, and indeed, there is little surface plankton to attract them. The
life of these regions is largely confined to deep water. The Sargasso Sea is an exception, not
matched in the anticyclonic centers of the ocean basins, it is so different from any other spot on
Earth that it may well be considered a definite geographic region. A line drawn from the mouth of
Chesapeake Bay to Gibraltar would skirt its northern border; another from Haiti to Dakar would
mark southern boundary. It lies all about Bermuda, extends more than halfway across the Atlantic
and its entire area is roughly as large as the United States. The Sargasso, with all its legendary
terrors from sailing ships, is a creation of the great currents of the North Atlantic that, while
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encircling and bringing millions of tons of floating sargassum weed, conveys a shelter for a weird
assemblage of marine animals all over the Caribbean Sea.
Most of the time, the Sargasso is a site forgotten by the winds, undisturbed by the strong
flow of waters that girdle it. Under seldom-clouded skies, its waters are warm and heavy with salt.
Separated widely from coastal rivers and from polar ice, there is no inflow of fresh water to dilute
its saltiness; the only influx is of saline water from the adjacent currents, especially from the Gulf
Stream or North Atlantic Current, in between America and Europe. In Rhys’s novel, the Sargasso
Sea is geographically depicted as a place of quiet. To Antoinette, its waters and the barrier cliffs
mean protection, just as though the sea could embrace her: “There is (...) the barrier of the sea. I am
safe” (WSS, p. 10). However, to Rochester, the dazzling colorful waves, hued and shimmered by the
sunlight, compose an exotic and almost magic space that makes him drowsy “We pulled and
looked at the mountains and the blue-green sea” (WSS. p. 39).
The Sargasso Sea in association with the legendary Bermudas Triangle or with hurricane
seasons has historically been viewed as a dangerous place. Between the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, ancient mariners imagined that, during storms, a giant octopus used to appear, to tie
vessels’ hulls with mighty tentacles and pull ships away into the sea. However, they did not know
by then that many ships got entangled in long tight leaves of sargassum weeds. Of course, science
has revealed the mystery of those waters. Even so, Carlson ponders that the place is still an
atmosphere that invites superstition: “The Sargasso Sea is a snail without a shell has a soft,
shapeless brown body spotted with dark-edged circles. The waters of the Sargasso jungles go on
without quarter and without mercy for the weak” (1961: p. 118).
According to Paul Brown, Shakespeare’s The Tempest (1611) was inspired in a historical
event occurred in 1609, when members of the company of the Sea Adventure miraculously survived
a wreckage near the Bermudas. Though the play mentions no marine monster, it alludes to the
power of the sea (BROWN, 1985: p. 48). The Tempest contains passages like “[there are] wild
waters in this roar (...) [come from] the sea (...) [that] dashes (...) a brave vessel (...) into pieces”
(I.2.1-9), illustrating the immeasurable strength of the Caribbean waters, when agitated by winds
come from the African Coast. Represented by Ariel (the spirit responsible for changes in the
atmosphere), the power of the West-Indian nature appears as something deceitful, implacable and,
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above all, deadly: “Jove’s lightening, the precursor/ O’ the dreadful thunder (...) [while] roaring the
most mighty Neptune/ Seem[s] to besiege and make his bold waves tremble/ Yea, his dread trident
shake” (I.2.133). Albeit the playwright explains that the lightening shakes the sea, we may notice,
notwithstanding, that the raging waves are what threatens the travelers’ safety, provided that the
water (and not the lightening) is what tears their feeble ship apart: “[the captain should be ready] for
drowning, [once] (...) the ship were no stronger than a nutshell and as leaky as an unattached
wench” (I.2.68-9).
Apparently, Rhys’s portrayal of the Caribbean Sea differs from the Shakespearean
deployment. However, Rhys’s main characters are stricken by psychological tempests. Typifying the
colonial system, the sargasso is almost personified in Rhys’s narrative and, like a cunning octopus,
it reaches out its tentacles in search of preys both in Rhys and in Brontë’s novels. Surrounded by a
fluid tricky space, Rhys’s characters are all the time fighting against their inner conflicts and
suffering with cultural differences. And it is in this complex intertwining of experiences that many
surprises and frustrations are revealed.
First of all, Rochester is entrapped by ambition; but, ironically, the dowry he receives from
Antoinette brings him no happiness. Lost in a cultural environment that panics him, he feels
displaced and eager to go back home. Feeling involved in an net of insoluble troubles, he claims to
have been betrayed by a dishonest father and his unfaithful wife: “Pity. Is there none for me?” (WSS,
p. 107). In Jane Eyre, the Jamaican sea resounds like an omen to Rochester: “[T]he sea, which I
could hear from thence, rumbled dull like an earthquake black clouds were casting over it; the
moon was setting in the waves”
5
. However, the same sea is going to bring him hope back when he is
let go of the Caribbean Sea: “The sweet wind from Europe was still whispering in the refreshed
leaves, and the Atlantic was thundering in glorious liberty” (JE, p. 306)
If by any means, both Rochesters are victims of the sargasso’s power, so are Antoinette and
Bertha. After all, the sea forsakes them. As Antoinette says: “I feel this place is my enemy and on
your side, [Rochester]” (WSS, p. 82). Unlike Rochester, Antoinette is woven by romantic dreams.
Nonetheless, as she gets to know her husband better, she grows shocked with his indifference and
5
BRONTË, Charlotte. Jane Eyre. New York: Penguin Classics, 1994. p. 303-5. Every quotation of this novel still to be made will
come from the same edition, represented by the initials JE and followed by page number.
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prejudice. So much so that, after transferring all her assets to his name, she regrets believing in his
lying promises. To Antoinette, the dowry would bring her love, complicity, respect and protection,
but since Rochester does not honor his word, all she feels is humiliation, outrage and usurpation. In
both texts, the sea is unkind to women; because, though the European man gets entrapped in the
Caribbean waters, he is also released in the end. Whereas when it comes to woman’s case, the ocean
leads her to captivity and patriarchal oppression. As Antoinette remarks, she feels unsafe when she
notices she is far from the Sargasso Sea: “I hoped it [the ship] would break and the [sargasso] sea
[could] come in. (...) When I woke it was a different sea. Colder. It was night, I think, that we
changed course and lost our way to England” (WSS, p. 117).
Even though, in Jane Eyre, Rochester feels refreshed while recalling England, in Wide
Sargasso Sea, the Englishman is not so optimistic. When thinking about going back home, he
remembers the hurricane season is coming: “It’s cool today; cool, calm and cloudy as an English
summer. (...) The hurricane months are not so far away, I thought (...). (There is a cool wind
blowing now – a cold wind. Does it carry the babe born to stride the blast of hurricanes?)” (WSS, p.
108) [Parentheses in original]. Literally speaking, no hurricane comes and Rochester even manages
to escape from summer storms. Nevertheless, he cannot get away from Antoinette/Bertha’s blazing
fury at Thornfield Hall and her ultimate victory...
As presented, history as well as cultural aspects of the Caribbean are extremely relevant to
an analysis of Wide Sargasso Sea, especially when it comes to discussions about mixed race. After
all, through the juxtaposition of history and fiction, we can clearly understand Antoinette’s social
dilemmas, besides coming to terms with the symbolism of the novel’s title.
2- Intertextuality and Parody
After discussing historical and cultural questions, I will present the making-of of Wide
Sargasso Sea from another perspective, focusing on Jean Rhys’s aestheticism and political
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engagement. Based on narratological studies, this section is supposed to highlight point-of-view,
Rhys’s approach to parody and other metafictional representations. To open the discussion, I will
begin with a very polemic issue: Rhys’s and Brontë’s manipulative powers and the way Rhys
approaches story-telling.
Admittedly or not, every narrative is created with the specific purpose of transmitting the
fictionist’s point-of-view about the issue he/she proposes to write. Owing to this fact, each literary
text is craftily elaborated to seduce, persuade and to convince the reader about what it
problematizes. Considering this premise, it is plausible to state that narrative perspective determines
one’s approach to textual construction and that it inevitably privileges a certain standpoint, though it
is not always fictionally admitted. We also have to regard that the literary text is made according to
a linguistic control which works either as a means of imposing an ideological truth or of contesting
hegemonic discourses. In both cases, there is not much difference, since the thirst for approval and
acceptation is always so intense that the novelist’s godly position inevitably makes him/her
understate or manifest his/her favoritism.
As Michel Foucault brilliantly reckons in A Ordem do Discurso (1970), every author has the
desire to detain the ‘truth’ not in the philosophical or theological sense but in the sense of
making people side with his opinion and to agree with his statement: “What is in question if not the
desire and the power?” (p. 20) [My translation]. Foucault also ponders that “the true discourse (...)
cannot recognize the desire for the truth that it pervades” (1970: p. 20) because it is already blinded
by an ideal of authenticity [My translation]. According to this perspective, neutrality is only a
rhetorical resource constructed to camouflage the author’s authority. After all, the artist controls the
narrative in the non-fictional universe, filters and selects what is to show, what is to hide and knows
exactly what he/she wants to pass to the reading public. So, when texts like Wide Sargasso Sea
convey different accounts to a story, they helplessly present a tension between rhetorical neutrality
and authorial power, typical of postmodernism (HUTCHEON, 1989: p. 1-4).
As presented, Wide Sargasso Sea hopes to relativize what happens in Jane Eyre as if the
latter were a distorted version of the truth. Rhys says in her letters compiled by Francis Wyndham
and Diana Melly that she would write “the story of Mr. Rochester’s first wife. The real story – as it
might have been” (RHYS, 1984: p. 137) especially because there is only one version about Bertha’s
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past in Jane Eyre, told by the colonizer: “Of course, Charlotte Brontë makes her own world, of
course, she convinces you and that makes the poor creole lunatic all the more dreadful. (...) ‘That’s
only one side – the English side’ sort of thing” (RHYS, 1984: p. 144).
In favor of a multiple-version story, Rhys’s approaches to point-of-view is polyphonic, that
is, it comprises multiple narrators (BAKHTIN, 1981: p. 279). As she makes it clear, she wants her
narrative to differ from Jane Eyre in terms of reports: “The Creole is, of course, the important one,
the others explain her” (RHYS, 1984: p. 136-7). Actually, the divergence among narrators and their
desire to impose the truth are the great novelty of Rhys’s novel, but besides this fact, we can
recognize polyphony through intertextual echoes of the hypotext
1
in the hypertext. For now, I will
talk about the story-tellers and the contradictions between authorial control and rhetorical freedom
in Wide Sargasso Sea.
Considering this kind of contradiction in different narratives, Bakhtin reckons that
polyphony is an ironical phenomenon. After all, it veils the author’s control over the narrative:
“This varied play with the boundary of speeches is deliberately (...) ambiguous (...) [because] [t]he
living polyphony (...) has been introduced into the novel [to be] artistically organized (...) [and to]
project (...) the intention of the author, refracted as it passes through these planes” (1981: p. 308,
311). Even knowing that the co-existence of narrating voices is nothing but a rhetorical artefact, we
cannot neglect the pleasure, delight and derision that polyphony offers us. Due to this fact, let us,
then, get involved in this deception for the sake of postmodern narrative traps and their self-
conscious contradictions (HUTCHEON, 1989: p. 1-4).
In Wide Sargasso Sea, narrators can be classified as major and minor ones not because some
are more important than others, but because, while certain characters are given plenty of opportunity
to narrate, others have brief participation as story-tellers. In fact, Rhys’s text reacquires
sharp sensibility and a lot of attention from the reader. It is not a didactic piece of fiction and it does
not always point clear-cut divisions between shifts in point-of-view. Sometimes, there is more than
one narrator in a given chapter, which complicates the understanding of an inattentive reader.
According to Bakhtin’s terminology, Wide Sargasso Sea is a ‘hybrid construction’ owing to its
unmarked polyphony (1981: p. 304).
1
According to Gérard Genette, the ‘hypotext’ is the matrix text and the rewriting, the ‘hypertext’ (GENETTE, 1981: p. 34).
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Officially, the novel has three different narrators: Antoinette Cosway approaches Part 1,
Edward Rochester plots Part 2, and Grace Poole
2
narrates Part 3. However, there are surprises in the
novel. Antoinette appears as a momentary narrator of Part 2 and, though Grace Poole starts narrating
Part 3, the protagonist unexpectedly takes hold of the narrative in a way she becomes the real
storyteller. Other narrative voices that emerge in the narrative are: Daniel Cosway (or Esau Boyd),
Christophine and Hilda. These characters’ reports not only foment polemics in the novel but
enhance the reader’s doubts concerning Rochester and Antoinette’s opponent ‘truths’.
Daniel is, indeed, a very enigmatic figure because, although he alleges to be one of
Antoinette’s poverty-stricken half-siblings, both Christophine and Antoinette deny it. The mulatto
hates Mr. Cosway for taking no part in the family’s heritage and intends to denigrate his sister’s
image as a form of revenge. His participation in the text is of crucial importance since he is the one
who most helps Rochester plot Antoinette’s insanity. As for Christophine, she is one of the
strongest and most defiant characters in the novel. Passing as a sorceress, the ex-slave threatens
Rochester’s authority and defends Antoinette as much as she can. Besides being a maternal figure to
Rhys’s heroine, Christophine is a wise woman who shows the protagonist alternatives to escape
from male oppression. Hilda (a home-servant) also plays a fundamental role in Wide Sargasso Sea
because, as she leads Rochester to distrust the veracity of every other account, she greatly intensifies
the relativization of the truth in the novel.
2
Grace Poole is a character who comes from Jane Eyre. In both novels, she works as the drunkard woman who takes care of
Bertha/Antoinette at Thornfield Hall.
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As a matter of fact, the creation of a dissonant polyphony in Wide Sargasso Sea is
contradictory because the same way the truth is relativized in the realm of fiction, Rhys expects us
to side with Antoinette. If so, the doubt concerning whether or not Antoinette is mad is not as
intense as it seems. It is true that Rochester’s search ends in a frustrated enterprise. However, we
cannot think of Antoinette as a madwoman, especially because the author has clearly declared she
refuses to believe in Bertha’s madness. Thus, if we consider the interstitial space between the
fictional and the non-fictional worlds, we may assume that polyphony only neutralizes favoritism in
the textual universe. Backstage, there is an authorial control that sides with Antoinette’s lucidity:
“[Rochester] knows and so she gets madder and madder. (...) I can’t believe that. (...) I’ve never
believed in Charlotte’s lunatic, that is why I wrote this book”
3
.
Taking it all into account, it is evident that Rhys wants us to side with a version that refutes
the colonizer’s view of the world. Even striving to victimize Rochester, the writer cannot help
manifesting her feminist postcolonial impulses both in fiction and out of fiction. After all, if
Antoinette fights against Rochester’s despotism, willingly or not, he passes as an antagonist in the
story. Another point that denounces Rhys’s tendentiousness is proportionality in story-telling. It is
possible to notice that, while Hilda, Christophine, Daniel and Grace play a very brief part as
narrators, the protagonist plots Part 1, a fraction of Part 2 and most of Part 3. The only voice that
competes with hers in a large extent is Rochester’s because of the intertextuality with Jane Eyre.
Looking from this prism, Rhys’s polyphony is not less manipulating than Brontë’s univocal text
especially because the narrators are not given symmetrical opportunities.
Despite rhetorical, the diffusion of voices is fundamental in Wide Sargasso Sea because the
same way it resists Eurocentric ideologies, it interferes a lot in the format of the text. As Bakhtin
explains, as long as the author proposes a multi-voiced piece of fiction, he/she also conveys
boundaries which catalyze formal subdivisions in the narrative: “[although] the hybrid construction
(...) belongs to a single [author, it] (...) actually contains (...) [at least] two speech manners, two
styles, two ‘languages,’ two semantic and axiological belief systems” (1981: p. 304). Regarding that
3
This fragment is taken from an unpublished manuscript by Jean Rhys, entitled The Black Exercise Book. In: HOWELLS, Cora Ann.
Jean Rhys. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester, 1991. p. 21.
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the vocal plurality of Rhys’s narrative causes the text to be fragmented, it is viable to read the novel
as a patched body not only because of its conflictive narrators but also because of its anachronisms.
The novel starts after the Emancipation Act, but in retrospect, it pinpoints something about
the slave-owners’ despair, the guerillas and the decadence of sugar-cane plantation. In between Part
1 and 2, Mr. Mason disappears mysteriously and we only learn he has died a bit further. Part 2
begins in a medias-res
4
style, portraying Rochester’s arrival in Jamaica, the obstacles he faces
to get married and the very episode of the wedding ceremony. Just when Rochester’s subplot
conflates with the present, we understand that Rochester and Antoinette are in their honeymoon.
From this moment on, the story begins to flow sequentially but not in a very strict chronology.
Sometimes flashbacks take place, providing us with surprises. For example, Antoinette only
confesses to have been advised not to espouse Rochester when their relationship gets to a
breakdown. In addition, we only make sure that humors about Antoinette’s love affair with Sandi
Cosway are not slanders in Part 3. Owing to it all, the fashion in which Rhys knits information
together defies the idea that a story needs continuity and linearity to be coherent. And though Wide
Sargasso Sea does not suit Hutcheon’s category of a historiographic metafiction
5
exactly, its
intervallic approach to story-telling and multiple versions deconstruct the hypothesis that only one
report represents past events with veracity (CURRIE, 1998: p. 79).
When creating a biography for Mrs. Rochester, Rhys also challenges the fact that Jane Eyre
was written long before Wide Sargasso Sea. And why? When the Rhysian reader juxtaposes the two
novels, he/she thinks of Wide Sargasso Sea as a story that antecedes Jane Eyre, as if the rewriting
were the matrix text, and vice-versa. After all, only the last part of Wide Sargasso Sea conflates with
Jane Eyre in ‘real time’. Most of what we learn of Bertha in Brontë’s text is mentioned in
retrospection. In this sense, we are invited to defy history in favor of fiction: “Rhys’s performance
of the life of Bertha Mason goes beyond verisimilitude and the implicit will becomes most
4
According to Gérard Genette, the narrative is built in media res when it starts in the middle of the story or a little beyond the
beginning (2000: p. 93).
5
According to Linda Hutcheon, historiographic metafictional texts are postmodern narratives that, while reflecting about the
subjectivity with which history is plotted, usually present another account supposed to pass as history in order to relativize historical
truths. Of course, such narratives approach imaginary events that, intertwined with facts, give us the impression that the story is
archival. According to Linda Hutcheon, historiographic metafiction is self-reflexive and its acknowledged contradictory mechanism
both tries to defy History and convey fiction (HUTCHEON, 1989: p. 63-86).
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pronounced in the final section, when the sad Creole girl Antoinette is transported to England and
becomes the madwoman Bertha” (RHODY, 1993: p. 219).
To read Wide Sargasso Sea as a patched body is highly profitable because, besides the
interference of polyphony and anachronism in the textual format, the splintering of the narrative
metafictionally reflects Bertha’s mutilation, Antoinette’s fragmented identity and the latter’s
difficulties to get on well with blacks or whites. Following this reasoning, we might say that the
narrative form represents, linguistically, the physical, psychological and cultural condition of such
characters. As Silviano Santiago points out, “narratives nowadays are, by definition, broken just like
the subjectivities they represent” (SANTIAGO, 1989: p.47) [My translation].
From what we have seen, though Rhys’s criticizes Brontë’s totalization, she also strives to
impose her own interpretation of Jane Eyre in Wide Sargasso Sea. Being a writer of postmodern
ambitions
6
, Rhys deploys what Linda Hutcheon denominates ‘anti-totalizing totalization’. That is, a
kind of text which, even passing as democratic, ends up siding with a particular political
commitment. This is what happens in the hypertext. In Wide Sargasso Sea, Rhys conveys
another account to Brontë’s story in the name of relativism but dissimulately replaces a
colonial ideology for a post-colonial discourse
7
:
[T]here are (...) examples of postmodern paradoxes of anti-totalizing
totalization in non-American novels (...). [After all,] postmodernism is a
phenomenon whose mode is resolutely contradictory as well as unavoidably
political. (...) The ambiguities of this kind of position are translated into
both the content of and the form of art, which thus at once purveys and
challenges ideology but always self-consciously (HUTCHEON, 1989: p.
1-4).
6
As Linda Hutcheon says in The Politics of Postmodernism (1989), “the postmodern questioning (...) may well have its roots in some
sort of the 1960’s”, period in which Wide Sargasso Sea was released. Actually, both the themes and narrative stances of this novel
suit Hutcheon’s description of the postmodern narrative, in a way that Rhys’s masterpiece can be deemed an avant-garde to such
literary trend in English language (HUTCHEON, 1989: p. 128-32). As Caroline Rody explains in “Burning Down the House: The
Revisionary Paradigm of Jean Rhys’s Wide Sargasso Sea” (1993), “Rhys’s text manifests early instances of the feminist, postcolonial
and postmodern sensibilities that have come to characterize late twentieth-century experimental fiction” (p. 218).
7
As Stuart Hall and Paul du Gays explain in Questions of Cultural Identities (2002), the post-colonial theory reflects about the
political and cultural condition of the colonized during and after the process of independence as well as possibilities of neo-
colonialisms (p. 1-17). In this dissertation, post-colonialism will aid us to observe social relations in the colonial space, questions of
economical exploitation, cultural identity and cultural identification.
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According to Stuart Hall and Paul du Gays, ‘anti-totalizing totalization’ is something
necessary when it comes to criticizing Eurocentric values. For them, it is impossible to question
old truths without proposing new discourses; and since the Cartesian mentality
8
needs to be
deconstructed, provisional ideas have been articulated in favor of the Other:
Unlike those forms of critique which aim to supplant inadequate concepts
with truer ones, or which aspire to the production of positive knowledge,
the deconstructive approach puts key concepts under erasure’. This
indicates that they are no longer serviceable (...) in their originary and
unreconstructed form. But since they have not been superceded
dialectically, and there are no other, entirely different with which to replace
them, there is nothing to do but to continue to think of them albeit in a
detotalized or deconstructed form, and no longer operating within the
paradigm in which they are originally generated (2002: p. 01).
Viewing Jane Eyre as a text with clear evidences of colonial patronizing and absolute
negligence to colonized Bertha, Rhys aims at deconstructing the way Brontë portrays the colonized
as a racially and intellectually inferior creature whose end can be nothing but insanity, bestialization,
demonization and misery. Concerning this aspect, Rhys’s desire to write a novel politically engaged
with post-colonial ideas was extremely positive. After all, the biracial Jamaican is not supposed to
be a monster:
I am trying to write provisional title “The First Mrs. Rochester”. I mean,
of course, the mad woman in Jane Eyre. (...) I called this “Creole” but it had
no shape or plan it wasn’t a book at all and I didn’t try to force it. (...) I
don’t know why this happened. I (...) hadn’t read Jane Eyre for years and
nearly forgotten “Creole”. However, (suddenly) I was very excited about
“The First Mrs. Rochester” and imagined it could be done quickly. When I
got back to Cornwall, I read then re-read Jane Eyre and was rather taken
aback. Still, I was more determined to write my book (...). Take a look at
Jane Eyre. (...) I do not see how Charlotte Brontë’s madwoman could
possibly convey it all. It might be done but it would not be convincing. (...)
The unfortunate death of the Creole! I’m fighting mad to write her story
(RHYS, 1984: p. 136-7) [Emphasis in original].
All these reflections on behalf of the oppressed involving racism, sexism and imperialism
are extremely important. As Rhys observes, Bertha is only a minor character, mentioned in less than
8
The Cartesian thought represents the Enlightening view of the world and its concern with objectivity, reason and the existence of a
unique truth. This thought started being questioned by intellectuals like Friedrich Nietzsche, Jacques Derrida and Michel Foucault
among others, who relativized the existence of a sole truth.
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5% of the text. Most of what we know about her is presented in a short subplot in a way she is not a
relevant figure in Jane Eyre. (GENETTE, 2000: p. 93). On the other hand, I had to admit that, albeit
I am particularly interested in questions of miscegenation in the hypotext, Jane Eyre is not a text
that stresses this issue all the time. Actually, discussions about racial mixture in such novel only
become more prolific when Brontë’s and Rhys’s respective deployments of the creole are
contrasted.
Besides, Brontë is not supposed to be blamed for the deployment of the creole woman as a
monster. As I am going to show in PART B, during the Victorian Age, miscegenation was deemed
an anomaly and all this novelist does is to inscribe in the realm of fiction what science and
superstition explained about the half-bred since the seventeenth century. Obviously, we must not
agree with such portrayal of the mestizo but, instead of attacking Brontë’s narrative itself, I expect to
go against the truths of the pre-Mendelian medicine that this text denounces. (ZACK, 2002: p. 60-
9).
Taking it all into account, let us savor Rhys’s delicious subversions to Jane Eyre in the name
of parody and post-colonial feminism, bearing in mind that there is no reason to view Wide
Sargasso Sea as a minor text for being a rewriting. As Linda Hutcheon points out, “[a] literary work
can no longer be considered original” (HUTCHEON, 1989: p. 93, 126). On top of it all, Rhys’s
novel is not exactly a real imitation of Jane Eyre. It contains lots of information not found in
Brontë’s novel and “manifests early instances of the feminist, postcolonial and postmodern
sensibilities that characterize late twentieth-century experimental fiction” (RHODY, 1993: p. 218).
As a postmodern parody, Wide Sargasso Sea does not ridicule Jane Eyre. On the contrary, it
plays with the matrix text with subtlety. As Hutcheon points out, “parody is by no means always
satirical. Satire usually uses parody as a vehicle for ridiculing the vices and follies of humanity, with
an eye to their correction. Modern parody, on the other hand, rarely has such an evaluative or
intentional limitation” (HUTCHEON, 1985: p. 55). Prioritizing discretion, Rhys conveys parody
with the purpose of voicing the creole woman. In this sense, the female Jamaican comes out of a
marginal position into the core of fiction, being presented as the ex-centric colonized: “Postmodern
aesthetic experimentation should be viewed as (...) a critique of domination. (...) The ‘ex-centric’
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as both off-center and de-centered – gets attention [in postmodern texts]” (HUTCHEON, 1989: p. 4,
130). In accordance with Hutcheon’s appraisal, Rhys makes the de-centered creole come alive:
I’m sure that the character must be “built up”. The Creole in Charlotte Brontë’s
novel is a lay figure repulsive which does not matter (...) . She’s necessary to the
plot, but always she shrieks, howls, laughs horribly, attacks all and sundry off
stage. For me (...) she must be right on stage. She must be at least plausible with a
past, the reason why Mr. Rochester treats her so abominably and feels justified (...)
Another “I” must talk (...) [t]hen the Creole’s “I” will come to life. I see it and I can
do it – as a book (RHYS, 1984: p. 136-7) [Emphasis in original].
Unlike Bertha, Antoinette is very articulate, outspoken; and when she is imprisoned, her
speech becomes poetic, mature, full of beautiful memories, images and colors. On her own, the
heroine gets more focused, sensitive, perceptive and expresses her feelings with more precision and
profundity: “Nights and days and days and nights, hundreds of them slipping through my fingers.
But that does not matter. Time has no meaning” (WSS, 119).
In spite of Antoinette’s melancholy, Rhys undermines her character’s nostalgia and plays
with literary conventions about the lunatic’s language. And why? In Writing Madness (1978),
Shoshana Felman says that lunacy has often been represented through poetic language, provided that
metaphors transcend the ordinary meaning of ideas and convey another kind of reasoning:
“literature is the sole channel by which madness has been able throughout history to speak in its
own name, or at least with relative freedom. (...) Between literature and madness there exists an
obscure but essential kinship (...) entailed, precisely, by whatever blocks them off (p. 15-6)
[Emphasis in original].
As a parody, Rhys’s narrative is ironic and subversive in many senses. The same way it
revisits and re-inscribes episodes from the hypotext with double-vocalization, it avoids a faithful
reproduction of scenes found in the matrix text. That is, although particular episodes of Jane Eyre
seem to be imitated in Wide Sargasso Sea, according to Simon Dentith’s terminology, they are
transposed (DENTITH, 2000: p. 1). As long as Rhys reconstructs passages from the hypotext and
gives them new contexts, they become so different that they gain a certain autonomy and
independence:
Parody involves imitation and transformation of words (...) and it can invite
the reader to examine, evaluate and re-situate the hypotextual material.
[Concerning] social order, (...) parody attacks the official word, mocks the
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pretensions of authoritative discourse and undermines the seriousness with
which subordinates should approach the justifications of the betters
(DENTITH, 2000: p. 2-21).
A clear example of transformation in Wide Sargasso Sea is the episode in which Antoinette
meets Jane. In Jane Eyre, one reads that Bertha appears like a frightening ghost: “a form emerged
from the closet; it took the light, held it aloft; (...) then my blood crept cold from my veins (...) [The
fowl spectre] (...) drew aside the window-curtain and looked out; perhaps it saw dawn approaching,
for, taking the candle, it retreated to the door” (JE, 281). In response to Brontë’s portrayal of the
creole, Rhys re-elaborates this episode from Antoinette’s point-of-view:
Turning a corner I saw a girl coming out of her bedroom. (...) I flattened
myself against the wall for I did not wish her to see me, but she stopped and
looked round. She saw nothing but shadows, I took care of that, but she
didn’t walk to the head of the stairs. She ran. She met another girl and the
second girl said, ‘Have you seen a ghost?’ ‘I didn’t see anything but I
thought I felt something.’ – ‘That is the ghost,’ the second one said and they
went down the stairs together (WSS, p. 108).
When Antoinette understands she is supposed to be the ghost, she cannot help laughing at
such a silly thought: “I laughed (...) I went into the hall again with the tall candle in my hand. It was
then that I saw her the ghost. The woman with streaming hair. I know her” (WSS, p. 111-2). As
Caroline Rhody reckons, “[w]e can no longer think of our cherished heroine Jane Eyre in the same
way, having glimpsed her as a pale girl (...) who walks through the house” (RHODY, 1993: p. 217).
The same way Rhys ironically depicts her new Jane, the fictionist also conveys similarities
between Antoinette and Brontë’s protagonist. At the opening of Jane Eyre, the heroine refuses to be
imprisoned in a red room. However, this episode is re-fashioned in Wide Sargasso Sea with a high
tenor of skepticism. Unlike Jane, Antoinette dreams of having a red room in England. Only doesn’t
she know that this yearning both foreshadows her future imprisonment and shows that she is a new
Bertha:
For I know that the house where I will be will be cold and not belonging,
the bed I shall lie in has red curtains and I have slept there many times
before, long ago. How long ago? In that bed I will dream the end of my
dream. But my dream had nothing to do with England and I must not think
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like this, I must remember about chandeliers and dancing, about swans and
roses and snow. And snow (WSS, p. 69).
After observing all these particularities of Rhys’s narrative, it is worth reiterating that the
novel is a very rich text as far as narrative strategies are concerned. Though I have not covered every
nuance of intertextuality, I hope to have traced the basic outline of Rhys’s artistic work in Wide
Sargasso Sea, her aesthetic concern with the textual construction and its impact upon the reader.
PART B
FEMINISM, ANTHROPOLOGY
AND POST-COLONIALISM
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1- From Biological Monstrosity to Multiculturalism Madness, Sexuality and Heredity in
Interception with Gender, Miscegenation and Cultural Hybridity
In the previous chapter, we could observe how Rhys’s approach to story-telling relativizes
Eurocentric truths and foreshadows Antoinette’s becoming Bertha. In the present chapter, I intend to
follow Rhys’s reading of the hypotext, highlighting her suspicion that Bertha’s madness is
composed of different elements such as: sorcery, womanhood, nymphomania, the principle of
heredity and the theory of racial degeneration. Based on theoretical texts that corroborate with
Rhys’s view of Jane Eyre, I will juxtapose passages from both novels in order to show what
scientific ideas Rhys aims at deconstructing in Wide Sargasso Sea. Before presenting the
subdivision of this chapter, I would like to make an outline of Bertha’s madness so that the reader
understands the importance of splitting this chapter into parts.
In Jane Eyre, the Masons suffer from a congenial pre-disposition to idiocy, come from their
mixed blood. Although both male and female members of the family are stricken by mental
disorders, only women suffer the most drastic consequences of mongrelity for being less rational.
Besides, we are informed that the same way racial mixture determines the creole’s sexuality, we
learn that Bertha’s sexual impulses cause her to lose lucidity in advance. Having inherited
immorality and drunkenness from her creole mother, Bertha becomes a nymphomaniac. At last,
when hysteria makes her hybrid blood grow hot, Bertha’s complexion seems to be altered and she
becomes a monster. Rhys wonders that, in such part of the novel, Brontë deals with racial
degeneration, but if it happens, the theory of racial regression appears already distorted by folk
belief, as Naomi Zack explains (ZACK, 2002: p. 63-4). It is important to know that, in the decade
Jane Eyre was written, theories against the miscegenated were more influential than ever
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(YOUNG, 1995: p. 17). In addition, since the seventeenth century, the creole and the mulatto were
viewed as anomalous bodies: creatures whose morphology was contrary to the laws of nature
(SHOWALTER, 1995: p. 39; SCHWARCZ, 1993: p. 46-9; ZACK, 2002: p. 60).
In spite of the medical diagnosis of Bertha’s madness, there are other phenomena that
physicians cannot decipher. It seems that Bertha’s lunacy and monstrosity also involve
demonization in a way the borders between congeniality and familial curse are blurred. There are
indictments that Bertha is acquainted with black-magic but we cannot know up to what extent her
mental problem comes from neurological disorders or from devilish possession. At last, it is not
clarified if the malady comes from mestizage or from paganism.
Considering that lunacy comprises diverse elements in both novels, this chapter will be
subdivided into two sections for a question of organization and didacticism. In the first section, I
will introduce madness and gender, displaying Rhys’s desire to undo patriarchal values. In the
second section, I will approach madness and miscegenation, showing how Rhys transforms racial
degeneration into two distinct subjects in Wide Sargasso Sea: the European’s rejection of the
birracial body and the manifestation of cultural hybridism through the miscegenated’s identification
with blacks. In both subdivisions of the chapter, sexuality and heredity will be stressed provided that
they overlap every other component of Bertha’s madness and Antoinette’s constructed insanity.
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1.1- Madness and Gender in Jane Eyre and Wide Sargasso Sea:
As a matter of fact, the search for the truth is something that, for centuries, the western
civilization has aspired and looked for in vain. According to Friedrich Nietzsche (1873), the truth is
something culturally and socially constructed; a myth that becomes law so long as collective
forgetfulness effaces the randomness and subjectivity with which it is built. Following this
reasoning, the truth may be read as an oppressive ideology since it can no longer be contested:
“Only through forgetfulness man can ever suppose he owns a ‘truth’” (NIETZSCHE, 1982: p. 33)
[My translation]. By relativizing truths, Rhys elaborates her masterpiece, questioning, above all, the
Victorian concept of insanity.
As Michel Foucault poses in História da Loucura na Idade Clássica (1972), lunacy is
commonsensically understood as a psychic disease, involving the dismantling of one’s senses (p.
97-8). Nevertheless, Foucault looks at madness from another standpoint and presents it as way to
punish the non-conformist and the social misfit. Criticizing psychiatrists’ power abuse, he blatantly
remarks that such professionals have never provided mankind with an effective treatment or with a
cure for madness, and that, instead of helping patients, they have repressed the ex-centric. In Jane
Eyre, the medical word is unquestionable and stands for the truth. Rochester claims that, since
doctors prognosticated Bertha’s madness, she has been held captive: “One night I had been
awakened by her yells since the medical men had pronounced her mad, she had, of course, been
shut up” (JE, 305).
Skeptically, Foucault comments that insanity may be envisaged as absence, void, an enigma
mankind has not solved so far. As he declares in “Madness: The Absence of Work” (1965), “[o]nce
uncovered, madness (...) outlines an empty form, (...) it never ceases to be absent, (...) it will never
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be found because it has never been located to begin with” (p. 103). Obviously, if madness means
emptiness and reason signifies fullness, only through counteraction, we can understand that insanity
represents the inexistence of lucidity. Concerning this particularity, Foucault reckons: “there is only
madness in contrast to reason but every truth of the latter consists of resembling for a while the
insanity it rejects” (1972: p. 33) [My translation].
Going beyond void, madness has worked as an umbrella term in which different marginal
groups and the socially excluded have been put together. In this sense, the lunatic Foucault
highlights is nothing but the displaced: the one who is forbidden to exercise his/her free will and to
fulfill his/her particular desires. The insane is subversive, transgressive, disruptive. He/She rebels
against order and power, no matter if ecclesiastical, political or social. As a threat to the authorities,
he/she must be silenced, banned and retreated from social environment. His/Her delirium and
slander have to be hushed, abolished; his/her heresy and blasphemy, totally extinguished, effaced.
He/She is given no freedom of speech. His/Her ideas must be eradicated so that the foundations of
what has been historically, culturally and socially conveyed as the truth may remain solid and
unshakable (FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 101).
In Jane Eyre and Wide Sargasso Sea, madwomen are rebellious and blasphemous. Bertha, in
particular, is potentially indecorous. As Brontë’s Rochester reports, “my ears were filled with the
curses the maniac still shrieked out, wherein she mingled my name with such a tone of demon-hate,
with such language! no professed harlot ever had a fouler vocabulary than she” (JE, p. 305).
Resembling Bertha Mason, Antoinette also passes as an immoral woman: “Then she cursed me
comprehensively, (...) shouting obscenities at me” (WSS, p. 96). In both cases, blasphemous women
embody the stereotype of the lunatic simply because what they say menaces power: “internment
houses will be crowded of ‘blasphemous’ until the end of the eighteenth century (...). Blasphemy,
however, has not disappeared. It has become a case of disturbance” (FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 93-4)
[My translation]. In Jane Eyre, Bertha is silenced because Rochester wants to erase her identity:
I knew that while she lived I could never be the husband of another wife
and better wife (...). “Go”, said Hope, and live again in Europe: there it is
not known what a sullied name you bear, nor what a filthy burden is bound
to you. You may take the maniac to England; confine her with due
attendance and precautions at Thornfield (...). Let her identity, her
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connexion with yourself, be buried in oblivion: you are bound to impart
them to no living being. Place her in safety and comfort: shelter her
degradation with secrecy, and leave her.” (...) To England, then, I conveyed
her; a fearful voyage I had with such a monster in the vessel. Glad I was
when I at last got her to Thornfield, and saw her safely lodged in that third-
story room, of whose secret inner cabinet she has now for ten years made a
wild beast’s den – a goblin’s cell (...) ’ (JE, 304-6).
Imprisoned in a cage, Bertha becomes voiceless and all she can do is to ‘growl’ (JE, 291).
Similarly, Antoinette is taken to a room to rest but since her husband never returns, she understands
she has become a domestic convict: “When I first came, I thought I would be for a day, two days, a
week perhaps. I thought that when I saw him and I spoke to him I would be wise as serpents,
harmless as doves. ‘I give you all I have freely,’ I would say, ‘and I would not trouble again if you
let me go.’ But he never came” (WSS, p. 115). In conformity with history, Rhys shows how many
wives were unjustly confined at home or taken to psychiatric institutions during the nineteenth
century. Reacting against Brontë’s Rochester’s excuses, Rhys has her Rochester admit he has
imprisoned her out of his free will. No ‘Hope’ or ‘Fate’ induced him to do so:
She’ll not laugh in the sun again. She’ll not dress up and smile at herself in
that damnable looking-glass. So pleased, so satisfied. (...) She said she loved
this place. This is the last she’ll see of it. (...) I’ll listen. ... If she says good-
bye perhaps adieu. (...) If she too says it, I’ll take her in my arms, my lunatic.
She’s mad but mine, mine. What will I care for gods or devils or for Fate
itself. If she smiles or weeps or both. For me. Antoinetta – I can be gentle too.
Hide your face. Hide yourself but in my arms. You’ll soon see how gentle.
My lunatic. My mad girl. (...) No more damned magic. You hate me and I
hate you. We’ll see who hates best. But first I will destroy your hatred. My
hate is colder, stronger, and you’ll have no hate to warm yourself. You will
have nothing. (...) I saw the hate go out of her eyes. I forced it out. And
with the
hate, her beauty. She was only a ghost
1
. A ghost in grey daylight. Nothing left
but hopelessness. (...) I too can wait for the day when she is only a memory
to be avoided, locked away, and like all memories a legend. Or a lie (WSS, p.
108-13) [Emphasis in original].
Elaine Showalter stresses in The Female Malady (1985) that because of the influence of
Chauvinism in the nineteenth-century science, women were the ones who most suffered with
arbitrary judgments of lunacy. As she comments, “[b]y the middle of the nineteenth century, records
1
This part reminds us of the fact that, in Jane Eyre, Bertha is compared to a ghost.
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showed that women had become the majority of patients in public lunatic asylums [in England]”
(SHOWALTER, 1985: p. 1). In Wide Sargasso Sea, Christophine realizes that there are only male
physicians and that they favor men alone. As she points out, Rochester has invented Antoinette’s
madness and he will find medical support for that: “‘It is in your mind [Mr. Rochester] to pretend
she is mad. I know it. The doctors say what you tell them to say. (...) She will be like her mother.
You do that for money? But you wicked like Satan self!’” (WSS, p. 104).
In her distrust to doctors, Christophine realizes the dangerous power of psychiatrists and
fears they must lead Antoinette to real lunacy: “Don’t talk to me about doctor, I know more than any
doctor. I undress Antoinette so she can sleep cool and easy (...). These new (...) [doctors], I don’t
like them (...). If you forsake her, they will tear her into pieces like they did to her mother” (WSS,
p. 97-8, 102). Even so, Rochester is determined to do what doctors tell him to, in accordance with
Jane Eyre: “I mean to go back to consult Spanish Town doctors and her brother [Mason]. I’ll follow
their advice. That is all I mean to do. She is not well” (WSS, p. 104). Although the myth of male
superiority is millenary, in the nineteenth century, psychiatrists created a convincing method to
prove that woman’s intellectuality was limited. As the feminist and scientist Evelyn Fox Keller
affirms, woman was usually associated with emotion and never with reason or logic:
In the last few years, encouraged by recent developments in the history and
sociology of science, feminist scholars have begun to turn their attention to
the natural (or hard) sciences. The most immediate issue for a feminist
perspective on the natural sciences is the deeply rooted popular mythology
that casts objectivity, reason and mind as male, and subjectivity, feeling,
and nature as female. (...) The exclusion itself is a symptom of a wider and
deeper rift between feminine and masculine, subjective and objective (...)
(1985: p. 6-7).
One of the greatest divulgers of this preposterous truth was Charles Darwin. In The Descent
of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex (1858), the evolutionist remarks that white woman’s
intellectual achievement is lower than the male Caucasian’s because her narrow skull resembles the
cranial casing of a male negro: “The chief distinction in the intellectual powers of the two sexes
shows man’s attaining to a higher eminence. [Unlike men,] women of higher races tend to have
protruding jaws, analogous to the apelike jutting jaws of lower races” (1995: p. 218). If, according
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to Darwin, white woman’s intelligence was inferior to the European man’s, let alone miscegenated
woman’s cognition. As Brontë’s Rochester poses, Bertha’s rationality was insignificant:
I was not sure of the existence of one virtue in her nature: I had marked
neither modesty, nor benevolence, nor candour, nor refinement in her mind
or manners. I found her nature wholly alien to mine, her tastes obnoxious to
me, her cast of mind common, low, narrow and singularly incapable of
being led to anything higher, expanded to anything larger. [A] (...) kindly
conversation could not be sustained between us because whatever topic I
started, immediately received from her a turn once coarse and trite, perverse
and imbecile (...) What pigmy intellect she had!” (JE, 303-4).
In Wide Sargasso Sea, Rochester also complains about his wife. According to him, there is
no coherence in what she says. Nonetheless, Rhys makes clear that such misunderstanding occurs
because of mutual cultural incompatibilities: “She had nothing to do with me at all. She was
undecided, uncertain of facts any fact” (WSS, p. 44, 52). Though Rochester firstly presents
Antoinette as a mediocre person, he later confesses she is not stupid but obstinate; unwilling to
change her view of the world: “If she was a child she was not a stupid child but an obstinate one.
(...) Her mind was already made up. (...) Reality might disconcert her, bewilder her, hurt her, but it
would not be reality. It would be only a mistake, a misfortune, a wrong path taken, fixed ideas
would never change” (WSS, p. 57).
Unable to see that one’s character is subjectively constructed, Rochester claims that
Antoinette’s wicked nature is an inherited characteristic. Actually, in both novels, the two
Rochesters are informed that Bertha/Antoinette’s problems are passed from mother to daughter.
After all, since the Enlightenment, genealogy started mattering more than ever. According to Kant,
physical, moral, cultural and psychological features would be hereditarily transmitted in a way the
individual was programmed to think and act in accordance with his precedence. As Naomi Zack
brilliantly summarizes,
Kant had a theory of hereditary (...) characters, which could be used to
conflate biological race and culture, or posit a third factor as a cause of both
biological racial traits and the cultural differences associated with them.
[Therefore,] (...) he affirms that intellectual and moral virtues are (...)
hereditary and further assumes (...) that there is a general hereditary factor,
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that is, the generative force, which accounts for both human biology and
culture (2002: p. 22).
Owing to Kant’s thoughts, theories about heredity would become more powerful in the
nineteenth century. So much so that in 1832, the English geographer and anthropologist William
Frédéric Edwards publishes On the influence of Physical Agents on Life, in which he exposes that
lineage and pure blood determines people’s mental and physical health:
In fact, the whole art of breeding, from which such great results have been
attained during the present century, depends on the inheritance of each
small detail of structure. With man (...) certain peculiarities have appeared
in an individual, at rare intervals, (...) but they have reappeared in his
children and grandchildren. (...) Then, the following problem is worth
consideration: [certain anomalies] must be consequent of members of the
family, inheriting something malformed in their constitution. (...) [S]everal
children have been affected by the same rare peculiarity with one of those
parents owing to heredity (EDWARDS, 1950: p. 49).
As a matter of fact, the boundaries between medical and religious discourses are practically
invisible concerning heredity. It is explained in The Holy Bible that curses haunt generation after
generation: “[He] [k]eep[eth] mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin, and
will by no means clear the guilty, visiting the iniquity of fathers upon the children, and upon the
children’s children, unto the third and fourth generation (The Holy Bible, 1992: p. 99) [Emphasis
in original]. This is what happens in Jane Eyre. In such novel, Bertha’s mother is taken to a medical
institution years before her daughter is declared insane: “My bride’s mother, I had never seen: I
understood she was dead. The honeymoon was over, I learned my mistake; she was only mad, and
shut up in a lunatic asylum” (JE, 303).
However, in Rhys’s narrative, the madness that strikes Mrs. Cosway/Mason has nothing to
do with heredity or miscegenation but with patriarchal oppression. As Antoinette explains, since
Mr. Mason’s arrival in Jamaica, he underestimates the blacks and despises Annette’s pieces of
advice. Unaware of the revolts which preceded his settling down in the West Indies, Mason ignores
the violence of ex-slaves and does not leave his farmhouse when Annette warns him to: “Mr. Mason
laugh[ed] (...) when my mother wished to leave Coulibri. ‘The people here hate us. They certainly
hate me’, [mother told him]. (...)‘They are too lazy to be dangerous’, said Mr. Mason” (WSS, p. 15).
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Ironically, over the same night, blacks cast torches into Pierre’s bedroom, killing the boy.
Since then, Annette becomes hysteric and wants to hurt Mason. After the burning, Antoinette learns
from Mrs. Luttrel that her brother has died and that Annette has traveled far away: “‘Pierre is dead,
isn’t he?’/‘He died on the way down, the poor little boy. (...) Your mother is in the country. Resting.
Getting well again’” (WSS, p. 24). Desperate and indignant with Mason’s imprudence, she curses
her husband in a nervous breakdown: “‘Don’t touch me [Mason] or I’ll kill you’. I’d put my hands
over my ears. Her screams were so loud and terrible” (WSS, p. 24).
Ever since, Annette is imprisoned in a distant house as if she were insane. As Christophine
reports, Annette was not mad. She simply stopped fighting and ended up being sexually abused:
“they act like she is mad. Question, question. (...) In the end, mad I don’t know she gave up, she
care for nothing. That man who is in charge of her he take her whenever he want and his woman
talk. That man, and others. Then they have her” (WSS, p. 102). Though Annette’s reputation was
ruined after such incident, Antoinette defends her mother; mainly after discovering that Rochester
has asked strangers about Annette and not talked to her about it:
‘You have no right to ask questions about my mother and then refuse to
listen to my answer. (...) You want to know about my mother, I will tell you
about her, the truth, not lies. (...) [After the burning of Coulibri,] Pierre died
(...) and my mother hated Mr. Mason. She would not let him go near her or
touch her. She said she would kill him, she tried to, I think. So he bought
her a house and hired a coloured man and woman to look after her’ (WSS, p.
82-5).
In analogy to Brontë’s approach to heredity, Rhys has Daniel comment: “[h]er mother was
(...) [a woman of many men]. Antoinette worse than her mother, and she hardly more than a child”
(WSS, p. 79). Rhys’s Rochester also calls her “Infamous daughter of an infamous mother” (WSS, p.
120), in dialogue with “the true daughter of an infamous mother” (JE, p. 303). In Jane Eyre, both
Mrs. Mason and her daughter are drunkard and libidinous: “Bertha Mason is mad (...). Her mother,
the Creole, was both a madwoman and a drunkard! (...) Bertha, like a dutiful child copied her parent
in both points” (JE, 303-4). Intertextually, Rhys’s Rochester affirms: “[I am] tied to a lunatic for life
– a drunken lying lunatic – gone her mother’s way” (WSS. p. 105).
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According to Antoinette, Annette was not always an alcoholic. Since her mother was
imprisoned, she drank rum to forget about her distresses: “Before I reached her house I heard her
crying. (...) There was a fat black man with a glass of rum in his hand. He said, ‘Drink and you will
forget’. She drank it without stopping. He poured her some more and she took the glass and laughed
and threw it over her shoulder” (WSS, p. 85). Afterwards, Antoinette explains that the black man
used alcohol to dull her mother’s lucidity and to use her sexually: “I saw the man lift her up out of
the chair and kiss her. I saw his mouth fasten on hers and she went all soft and limp in his arms and
he laughed” (WSS, 86).
Actually, the representation of madwomen as promiscuous and alcoholic in Jane Eyre is not
a Brontënian creation. Since the old Greece, the oversexed and the admirer of leavened beverages
have always been identified as pagan or demonized in association with Dionysus’s worshipers. As J.
Frazer says in “Dionysus” (1974), “The god Dionysus (...) is best known to us as a personification
of the vine and of the exhilaration produced by the juice of grape. His ecstatic worship,
characterised by wild dances, thrilling music, and (...) excess, appears to have originated (...) [those]
who were (...) addicted to drunkenness” (p. 509).
Once Dionysus’s celebrations were bacchanals, the figure of the drunkard, in interception
with the image of the immoral, has ultimately formed the stereotype of the insane. As Foucault
remarks: “the lunatics (...) are the avaricious, the denouncer, and the drunkard. They are the ones
who yield to disorder, licentiousness [and] practice adultery (FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 25, 43) [My
translation]. During the Modern Ages, drunkards and prostitutes were imprisoned in general
hospitals, where they were usually punished. According to documents from Rome General Hospital
(1693), the alcoholic and the adulterous were helplessly demonized: “Contrary to any good order,
vagabonds, liars, drunkards, indecorous people have access to no other language but the Demon’s”
(Apud FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 61) [My translation].
Provided that the western culture is based on Christian values, the concept of prostitution has
been directly linked to the female body. After all, according to the Scriptures, woman’s sinful nature
leads man to temptation, to transgression and lastly to fall: “For the lips of a strange woman drop as
a honeycomb, and her mouth is smoother than oil; but her end is bitter as worm-wound, sharp as
two-edged sword” (The Holy Bible, 1992: p. 659). In Jane Eyre, the stereotypical idea that the sexy
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woman will lead one to ruins is repeated. As Rochester reckons, he only married Bertha because he
was seduced:
She flattered me, and lavishly displayed for my pleasure her charms and
accomplishments. All men in her circle seemed to admire her and envy me.
I was dazzled, stimulated: my senses were excited; and being ignorant, raw
and inexperienced, I thought I loved her. There is no folly so besotted that
the idiotic rivalries of society, the prurience, the rashness, the blindness of
youth, will not hurry a man to its commission. Her relatives encouraged me:
competitors piqued me. She allured me. A marriage was achieved almost
before I knew where I was (JE, p. 302-3).
According to this quotation, Bertha was lascivious right before marriage. It is not by chance
that Rochester calls her unchaste. In the nineteenth century, virginity was viewed as a virtuous
practice, a symbol of purity and of godliness; so if a girl were not chaste, she was automatically
rejected and excluded by her society. As Lucy Irigaray comments in This Sex Which Is Not One
(1997), the preservation of chastity before marriage reinforced the idea that woman was viewed as a
commodity. As she says, virginity worked as a seal, an insignia that warranted the quality of the
product to be purchased: The virginal woman (...) [that is, her hymen] is a simple envelope veiling
what is really at stake in social exchange. (...) Once deflowered, woman is relegated of use value, to
her entrapment in private property; she is removed from exchange among men” (p. 186) [Emphasis
in original].
At school, Antoinette is taught that virginity is an essential quality for a single lady because
“that flawless crystal, once broken, can never be mended” (WSS, p. 30). Notwithstanding, she does
not obey this doctrine and yields to desire as soon as she leaves the convent. As Daniel says,
Rochester was scorned on the wedding day due to his bride’s defamation: “They fool you well about
that girl. (...) Her mother was [indecent, too]. (...) Must you be deaf you don’t hear people laughing
when you marry her” (WSS, p. 79). In a different manner, Rochester is also deceived in Jane Eyre.
As he claims, Bertha’s kinfolk omitted her mental problem and lied about her age: “her family and
her father had lied to me even in the particular of her age (...) [and about the fact] she was infirm in
mind” (JE, p. 305).
According to the nineteenth-century western mentality, a woman who enjoyed mundane
pleasures was invariably mad because volupia and obscenity would hallucinate her. Lost in delirium
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and romantic fancies, she would get involved in scandals for passion and obsession would drive her
to insanity: “[There is] madness for desiring. Lunacy has turned into temptation [and] desperate
passion or frustrated love in its excess (...) have no other alternative but madness” (FOUCAULT,
1972: 20, 38, 84) [My translation].
Protecting the institution of family, sexual behavior became extremely controlled during the
nineteenth century. Physicians wrote manuals for parents to watch their children during puberty and
not to let them get addicted to masturbation. In Intermarriage (1838), the Victorian doctor
Alexander Walker ponders that, for one to be healthy and sane, he/she should care about his/her
morality: “Moral means consist of good habits previous to puberty, the influence of fear and respect,
and nobler feelings predominating over the baser passions” (1995: p. 28). According to Walker, the
individual who got addicted to sexual fancies and deviations should be submitted to a kind of
treatment that included moral lessons: “[the occurrence of immoral dreams] requir[es] the union of
medical treatment with physical and moral education” (WALKER, 1995: p. 29).
If the immoral did not mend, psychiatrists had other ways to apply correction. These patients
were taken to workhouses or General Hospitals where their vices were supposed to cease through
forced labor. As Foucault reckons, since the eighteenth century, the libertine thought had to be
sanctioned because hallucination might lead one to mental diseases: “The doctor proposes a given
treatment in which the very articulation between medicine and morality will be simultaneously an
anticipation of everlasting suffering and an effort towards the recovering of one’s health”
(FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 84-7) [My translation]. As Christophine says, new physicians employ
coercion when supported by the police: “‘First word in their mouth is police. Police that’s
something I don’t like’” (WSS, p. 98).
It can be read in annals of London General Hospital that many patients refused to let go from
liberality: “Depravation among beggars came to an extreme in a way their unfortunate surrendering
to every sort of crimes has attracted God’s curses” (Apud FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 74-5) [My
translation]. In workhouses, social misfits went through a kind of treatment in which they were
forced to recover through punishment: “Moral institutions are built up (...) [being] responsible for
chastising, for making moral flaws right. (...) [P]eople are secluded in communities of pure
morality, where the law (...) will be applied with no (...) amenity, under strict forms of physical
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coercion” (FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 15) [My translation]. In short, pain was supposed to purge and
exorcise immoral madness as if the patient were possessed by spirits:
[T]raditional medicine used whip lashes like in the sacrament of penitence.
The purpose of personal chastisement (...) becomes very precise.
Flagellation lost its apocalyptic nature: it triggers, very specifically,
culpability. But still, ‘great evil’ only demands the rites of purification
because it is born inside one’s heart and can be associated with sin
(FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 85) [My translation].
In the Victorian Age, the madwoman was subjected to violent practices. She was firstly put
in a pigsty, with her hands and feet tied; then, when the fit of madness was over, she was bound to a
bed, protected with a cover. When allowed to step ahead, her legs were retained by an iron bar.
Having rings clutched round the ankles, she was also linked to a short chain through a tight
handcuff (FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 149). Actually, this description is similarly found in Jane Eyre. As
Jane narrates, the lunatic is attached to a chain: “The maniac bellowed: she parted her shaggy locks
from her visage and gazed wildly at her visitors” (JE, p. 291). Though Antoinette does not mention
any kind of torture, she is roped at least once, when making her way to England: “I [Antoinette] saw
that my wrists were red and swollen” (WSS, p. 117).
Functioning as a penalty to sexual excesses and deviations, madness was viewed as
chastisement and a malediction to those who could not control their libido: “Lunacy draws near sin,
(...) which the physician discovers as a truth of nature” (FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 87) [My translation].
In Jane Eyre, the suggestion that madness wavers between a plague and a psychiatric disorder is
very strong: “The lunatic is both cunning and malignant” (JE, p. 307). Besides, Rochester insinuates
that Bertha deserves to suffer for being both a pervert and addicted to sadomasochism:
I lived with a woman upstairs four years, and before that time she had tried
me indeed: her character ripened and developed with frightful rapidity; her
vices sprang fast and rank: they were so strong, only cruelty could check
them, and I would not use cruelty. What (...) giant propensities she had. (...)
[She] dragged me through all the hideous and degrading agonies which
must attend a man bound to a wife at once intemperate and unchaste. (...)
[Bertha’s] nature the most gross, impure, depraved I ever saw, she was
associated with me, and called by the law and by society a part of me. And I
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could not get rid myself of it by any legal proceedings (...). I was
undoubtedly covered with grimy dishonour; but I resolved to be clean in my
own sight – and to the last I repudiated the contamination of her crimes (...)
and wrenched myself from connexion with her mental defects (JE, p. 303-
4).
Although Rochester claims to have been induced to depravation when talking to Jane, he
does not say the same when conversing to Briggs, Wood and Mason. Among male friends,
Rochester contradictorily confesses to have shared good moments with his wife who used to be pure
and sensible when they got married: “I had a charming partner pure and wise, modest: you can
fancy I was a happy man. I went through rich scenes! Oh! my experience has been heavenly, if you
only knew it! But I owe you no further explanation” (JE, p. 290). It is possible that Rochester’s
heavenly experiences may have become hellish as time passed by. But still, we do not know if he
conveys two versions according to convenience. If Rochester was really remorseful about his
misconduct, he would not have love affairs with whores after he locked Bertha.
Distrustful in Bertha’s sadomasochism, Rhys concentrates into the Brontënian Rochester’s
rich moments and creates incredible episodes of intense pleasure, in which her Rochester surrenders
to desire and luxury: “the sight of her dress (...) made me breathless and savage with desire. When I
was exhausted I turned away from her and slept, still without a word or caress. I woke and she was
kissing me soft light kisses” (WSS, p. 56). Taking advantage of the fact that Brontë’s Rochester
participated in ‘things’ he would not venture to mention, Rhys invents a scene of intimacy between
Antoinette and Rochester in which the creole cries ‘die’ during the love-making. In such episode,
‘die’ becomes polysemic and evokes ambiguity. On the one hand, Antoinette fakes to die in allusion
to petit mort the post-coital sensation of ecstasy. On the other hand, Rochester wishes she could die
literally during their desire game:
I [Rochester] watched her die many times. (...) In sunlight, in shadow, by
moonlight, by candlelight. In the long afternoons when the house was
empty. Only the sun was there to keep us company, (...) Very soon she was
as eager for what’s called loving as I was more lost and drowned
afterwards. (...) It was not a safe game to play in that place. Desire,
Hatred, Life, Death came very closely in the darkness (WSS, p. 55-7).
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According to Ronald Hyam, what Foucault discusses about the Victorian sexuality is only
valid to the metropolitan space because, in the colonies, the colonizer’s sexual practices differed
considerably, overall in the Caribbean: “the West Indies do seem to have been a kind of sexual
paradise for young European men: (...) sexual license was among the most distinctive characteristics
of British Caribbean life” (p. 93). In conformity with Hyam’s words, Rhys’s Rochester feels very
relaxed and easy in his honeymoon. As he reluctantly confesses, he can do whatever pleases him in
Dominica: “She said, ‘Here I can do as I like,’ not I, and then I said it too. It seemed all right in that
lonely place. ‘Here I can do as I like’” (WSS, p. 56).
Hyam also adds that long before the nineteenth century, masters already kept sexual
intercourse with female slaves and maidservants: “Coloured mistresses were kept openly, and the
practice was integral to West Indian life. Informal liaisons were common even for married
proprietors and their teenage sons” (HYAM, 1990: p. 89). In Wide Sargasso Sea, Rochester has
pleasure with mulatto girls. So much so that Antoinette states: “I thought you liked the black people
so much (...) but (...) [y]ou like the light brown girls better, don’t you?” (WSS, p. 94).
Actually, Rhys’s Rochester’s thirst for sex leads us back to Brontë’s Rochester’s bigamy.
After all, the latter admits to be bigamous: “‘Bigamy is an ugly word! I meant however, to be a
bigamist” (JE, p. 289). In fact, Rochester is not bigamous just because he wants to marry Jane. He
has had a love affair with Céline Varens, a French mistress from whom he supposedly has a
daughter (Adèle) and with many others: “I tried companion of mistresses. The first I chose was
Céline Varens. (...) She had two successors: an Italian Giacinta, and a German, Clara; both
considered singularly handsome” (JE, p. 308).
Although psychiatrists and other intellectuals were extremely harsh to women, they
paradoxically found it very natural that men were polygamous. In Elementary Structures of Kinship,
the anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss declares that “deep polygamous tendency among all men
always makes the number of available women seem insufficient. (...) [E]ven if there were as many
women as men, these women would not all be equally desirable (...) and (...) the most desirable
women must form a minority (1969: p. 36). Corroborating with this perspective, Walker affirms
that men are much more instinctive than women because nature has established these rules: “all that
is connected with love is far more essential to woman than to man” (1995: p. 24). Replying to Lévi-
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Strauss’s defense of male polygamy, Lucy Irigaray argues the following: “Do women have no
tendency toward polygamy? The good anthropologist does not raise such questions. (...) The law
that orders our society is the exclusive valorization of men’s needs/desires” (1997: p. 170-1).
Agreeing with Irigaray, Rhys contests the asymmetry between male and female sexual rights
during the nineteenth century and questions the reasons why Bertha and Antoinette were supposed
to be unchaste, infamous, indecorous and even mad. As the Caribbean fictionist says in her letter to
Mr. Windham (April 14
th
, 1964), “The men did as they liked. The women never. Antoinette uses
her freedom to rush off and have an affair too first with her pal Sandi then with others. All
coloured or black, which was, in those days, a terrible thing for a white girl to do. Not to be
forgiven” (1984: p. 140) [Emphasis in original].
Regarding that the nineteenth-century woman could not exercise her sexuality freely or
detach desire from affection, Antoinette will be chastised for keeping love affairs. No matter how
much she loves or suffers for Rochester, her adulterous relationship with Sandi will be never
forgotten. As Rochester plans, Antoinette will be punished with sexual abstinence when she is
locked at Thornfield Hall: “Vain, silly creature. Made for loving? Yes, but she’ll have no lover, for I
don’t want her and she will see no other” (WSS, p. 108). Rupturing with moralism, Rhys creates a
character that, even professing her love for Rochester, likes to experience adventures with Sandi:
“Sandi often came to see me when that man [Rochester] was away. When I went driving, I would
meet him. I could go out driving then. The servants knew, but none of them told” (WSS, p. 120).
Imitating nineteenth-century fictionists, Rhys creates a romantic explanation for Antoinette’s
extra-conjugal relationship, pointing out Antoinette’s lover as a hero. Long before Rochester
appears in the narrative, Sandi defends her, offers to help when she is in affliction and becomes her
first boyfriend: “Sandi crossed over, running. He had long legs, his feet hardly touched the ground.
As soon as they saw him, they turned and walked away. He looked after them, puzzled. (...) ‘I’ll talk
to that boy’, he said. ‘He won’t bother you again’. (...) Sandi caught him before he reached the
corner” (WSS, p. 27).
Sandi is so special to Antoinette that, during the honeymoon, she mentions his name when
talking to Rochester: “I [Rochester] asked her who taught her to aim so well. ‘Oh, Sandi taught me,
a boy you never met’” (WSS, p. 52). Before departing to England, Antoinette makes love to him in a
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good-bye meeting: “I was wearing a [red] dress (...) when Sandi came to see me for the last time.
‘Will you come with me?’ he said. ‘No’, I said, ‘I cannot’. ‘So, this is good-bye?’ ‘Yes, this is good-
bye’. ‘But I can’t leave you like this. You are unhappy’. ‘You are wasting time,’ I said, ‘and we
have so little’”(WSS, p. 120).
Determined to follow Rochester, Antoinette refuses Sandi’s help or to get divorced. As she
explains, to be left behind would compromise her reputation and make her feel humiliated before
the Caribbean society. When Christophine advises her to go to another island, Antoinette thinks of
her status, her dignity and pride: “‘Pack up and go’ [says Christophine]. ‘Go, go where? (...) There
would be a scandal if I left him [Rochester]’” (WSS, p. 67, 70).
For a while, Rochester believes in his wife’s faithfulness, but when Hilda states that Sandi is
supposed to be her ex-husband, Rochester grows furious: “‘I hear one time that Miss Antoinette and
(...) Mr. Sandi get married, but that all foolishness. Miss Antoinette a white girl with a lot of money,
she won’t marry with a coloured man even though he don’t look like a coloured man” (WSS, p. 76).
Since then, Rochester stops relying on Antoinette and calls her unchaste: “I [Antoinette] took the
red dress down and put it against myself. ‘Does it make me look intemperate and unchaste? I said.
That man [Rochester] told me so. He had found out that Sandi had been to the house and that I went
to see him. I never knew who told” (WSS. p. 120).
Actually, Daniel is Rochester’s main informant and does his best to jeopardize her. Having
followed Antoinette, he reports that Mrs. Rochester liked to go out with Sandi because he is very
good-looking: “Sandi is like a white man, but more handsome than any white man. Your wife know
Sandi since long time. (...) She start with Sandi. (...) You’re not the first to kiss her pretty face.
Pretty face, soft skin, pretty colour” (WSS, p. 79).
As one can notice, madness has no connection with sexuality or heredity in Wide Sargasso
Sea. Instead, the novel shows insanity as a consequence of repression and presents marriage as an
institution that castrates woman’s sexual freedom. And why? During the Victorian Age, many
young women got married unwillingly because doctors recommended them to start their sexual life
according to social standards. Walker, for instance, defends the idea that unmarried ladies might
become victims of madness because of the perils of sexual abstinence: “If marriage be not permitted
to terminate this state, injury fatal to life may be its consequence” (WALKER, 1995: p. 32).
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Besides functioning as an alibi to impose morality, preserve the family and keep women
under patriarchal control, matrimony worked as an economic activity. According to feminists like
Irigaray, during the nineteenth century, marriage ensured the stability of two remarkable families
either aristocratic or bourgeois ones. Plebeians, instead, were contented with informal liaisons
(IRIGARAY, 1997: p. 171). As a contract, financial interests were given priority in marriage.
Affection and sentimentality were usually secondary; especially because, between husband and
wife, desire should be sublimated in the name of respect and complicity:
Sexual ethics could be checked through family morals [which,] (...) awoke
the rites of courtly love, keeping its integrity far beyond the obligations of
marriage. There was an attempt to establish, sentimentally, a solidarity and
a complicity, always with the purpose of maintaining family relations (...)
before the triumph of the bourgeois morality. (...) Marriage was something
sacred and it was typical of honest people to start from this point. Love was
no longer sacred before the notary, but marriage. ‘To make love, only with a
nuptial contract’. (...) The institution of family traced the perimeter of
reason: beyond it, dangers of hallucination appeared in a way man gave in
to insanity with all its rage. Being so, love was de-sanctified through a
contract (FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 90-1) [My translation].
Stressing the economic role of marriage, Irigaray exposes that a future wife was viewed like
a commodity, supposed to have the following virtues: kindness, obedience, charm, elegance,
refinement and beauty. As an investment, parents determined whom their children would be linked
for life and the dowry a fair reward to the groom was the main goal to be achieved. As for
woman, she simply escaped fatherly control to submit to her husband’s power:
[W]omen’s bodies through their use, consumption, and circulation (...)
[contribute to economical affairs]. (...) [A]ll the systems of exchange that
organize patriarchal societies and all the modalities of productive work that
are recognized, valued, and rewarded in these societies are men’s business.
The production of women, signs, and commodities is always referred back
to men (when a man buys a girl, he ‘pays’ the father or the brother, not the
mother), and female bodies always pass from one man to another.
(IRIGARAY, 1997: p. 171).
What Irigaray posits about arranged marriage can be illustrated both in Jane Eyre and in
Wide Sargasso Sea. In these novels, Bertha and Antoinette are taken as a profitable investment. In
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Jane Eyre, Rochester claims to have married only because his father told him to: “My father and my
brother Rowland knew all this; but they thought only of the thirty thousand pounds, and joined in
the plot against me” (JE, p. 303). Likewise, Rhys’s Rochester blames his father for not telling him
about the girl’s malady: “Dear father, [u]nforseen circumstances, at least to me, have forced me to
make this decision. I am certain that you know (...) what has happened, and I am certain you will
believe that the less you talk to anyone about my affairs, especially marriage, the better. This is in
[our] (...) interest” (WSS, p. 105).
Brontë’s Rochester claims not to have heard about the thirty thousand pounds before getting
to Jamaica: “I left college, I was sent to Jamaica, to espouse a bride already courted for me; my
father told me nothing about the money (JE, 302). But if, just in case, he was unaware of the exact
sum, he may have accepted the proposal for two different reasons: first of all, he inherited no money
from his family; and secondly, he was sure his ambitious father would provide him with an
advantageous transaction: “[M]y father was an avaricious, grasping man [.] (...) [H]e could not bear
the idea of dividing his state. (...) [Then,] I must be provided for by a wealthy marriage. He sought
me a partner [with] the fortune of thirty thousand pounds: that sufficed” (JE, p. 302). In Wide
Sargasso Sea, Rochester is more sincere about the dowry. As soon as he gets married, he writes to
his father, saying that the money was handed in immediately: “Dear Father, / The thirty thousand
pounds have been paid to me without question or condition. No provision is made for her (that must
be seen to). (...) I have sold my soul or you have sold it, and after all is it such a bad bargain?” (WSS,
p. 39).
When marriage is arranged, Antoinette does not even know she is going to get married. Mr.
Mason takes her out of the convent and wishes her to be attractive. In such episode, he clarifies that,
for the time being, Antoinette will live with him. As Mason says, Antoinette needs good clothes,
jewelry once she is not supposed to spend her lifetime at a boarding school: “‘I’ve not forgotten
your present (...) [and] [y]ou can wear what you like when you live with me,’ he said. ‘Where? In
Trinidad? ‘Of course not. Here, for the time being (...). You can’t be hidden all your life’” (WSS, p.
33).
Soon afterwards, Mr. Mason dies. Since then, Antoinette begins to live under Richard’s
responsibility until she definitely gets married. Just like Irigaray points out, Antoinette passes from a
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man to another, ‘circulating’ like capital (IRIGARAY, 1997: p. 171). In Wide Sargasso Sea,
Richard organizes the wedding party and keeps in touch with Rochester before the final
arrangements. Nonetheless, Cora (Antoinette’s aunt) also tries to interfere in Richard’s decisions,
fearing that her niece might suffer like Annette or like her herself. As a widow of an Englishman,
Cora had once been taken to England and forbidden to keep contact with the family: “It’s nonsense,
they lived in England and he [Cora’s husband] was angry if she wrote to us. He hated the West
Indies. When he died not long ago she came home, before that what could she do? She wasn’t rich”
(WSS, p. 13). Before the marriage contract is signed, Cora asks Richard not to transfer all the money
to Rochester and to reserve an amount for her niece; but since Richard refuses to listen to her, the
document contains no concession on Antoinette’s behalf:
When I passed the room, I heard [Aunt Cora] (...) quarrelling with Richard
and I knew it was about my marriage. ‘It’s disgraceful,’ she said. It’s
shameful. You are heading over everything the child owns to a perfect
stranger. (...) She should be protected legally. A settlement can be arranged
and it should be arranged. That was [your father’s] intention’. [Richard
replies:] ‘You are talking about an honourable gentleman, not a rascal. (...)
I’m not in the position to make conditions, as you know very well’. (...)
‘The Lord has forsaken us’[says Cora] (WSS, 71) [Emphasis in original].
Though Cora’s quarrel to Richard does not impede Antoinette’s union with a stranger, at
least, it makes the protagonist hesitate. As her aunt warns her, the girl should not marry a strange
Englishman even if he were a millionaire. Considering this piece of advice, the girl instantly
changes her mind about marrying Rochester and requests Richard to announce her decision:
Richard Mason burst into my room (...) as I was finishing my first cup of
coffee. ‘She won’t go through with it!’ ‘Won’t go through with what? ‘She
won’t marry you.’ ‘But why?’ ‘She doesn’t say why.’ ‘She must have some
reason.’ ‘She won’t give a reason. I’ve been arguing with the little fool for
an hour.’ We stared at each other. Everything arranged, the presents, the
invitations. What shall I tell your father? He seemed on the verge of tears. I
said, ‘If she won’t, she won’t. She can’t be dragged to the altar. Let me get
dressed. I must hear what she has to say’ (WSS, p. 45).
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Rochester feels indignant when he realizes that an ordinary creole girl is about to ruin his
ambitious project. Since then, he fights for his aims, especially after making a long trip to the
Caribbean: “I thought that this would indeed make a fool of me. I did not relish going back to
England in the role of rejected suitor jilted by this Creole girl. I must certainly know why” (WSS, p.
45). From this moment on, Rochester sees the importance of convincing the girl to marry him and
promises her love, attention and protection. In his theatrical romanticism, he demagogically remarks
that affection will grow with time and that he will do all he can to make her happy:
‘I’ll trust you if you trust me. Is that a bargain? You will make me very
unhappy if you send me away without telling me what I have done to
displease you. I will go with a sad heart.’ ‘Your sad heart’, she said, and
touched my face. I kissed her fervently, promising her peace, happiness,
safety, but when I said, ‘Can I tell poor Richard that it was a mistake? He is
sad too,’ she did not answer me. Only nodded (WSS. p. 46).
Rochester later confesses that Antoinette was foolish to believe in his lies and he even
laughs at her ingenuousness: “I’d remember her effort to escape. (No, I’m sorry. I do not wish to
marry you.) She had given way to (...) my half-serious blandishments and promises” (WSS, p. 54).
[Emphasis in original]. Unable to fulfil his promises, Rochester is not a good husband. As he
confesses, he does not even remember what his bride looked like during the wedding: “[the
wedding] meant nothing to me. Nor did the girl I was to marry. When I met her, I bowed, smiled,
kissed her hand, danced with her. I played the part I was expected to play. I must have given a
faultless performance. My wife [was] in white but I hardly remember what she looked like” (WSS,
p. 44). To Rochester, the wedding meant a trade full of controversies because, though she bought
him, he has become her owner: “I have not bought her. She bought me, or so she thinks” (WSS, p.
39).
As Cora had previewed, the protagonist is left no money since she gets married. Unsatisfied
with her economical dependence, Antoinette complains: “I am not rich now, I have no money of my
own at all, everything I had belongs to him. (...) That is the English law. He would never give me
any money (...) and he would be furious if I asked him (...). [I]t serves me right because didn’t Aunt
Cora say to me don’t marry him?” (WSS, p. 68, 95). At last, the only precious objects Antoinette has
are a pair of rings which Cora gave her before the ceremony was perpetrated: “My rings. Two are
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valuable. Don’t show it to him. Hide away. Promise me” (WSS, p. 72). As one can observe,
Antoinette’s situation illustrates the fact that nineteenth-century married “women lent themselves to
alienation in consumption, and to exchanges in which they did not participate” (IRIGARAY, 1997:
p. 172).
Frustrated with Rochester’s usurpation and gradual distancing from her, Antoinette tends to
depression and drinking. Being so, her husband assumes she is getting similar to her mother: “I
managed to hold her wrist with one hand and the rum with the other, but then when I felt her teeth
in my arm I dropped the bottle. (...) I was angry now and she saw it. She smashed another bottle
against the wall and stood with the broken glass in her hand and murder in her eyes” (WSS, p. 96).
Once more we are drawn back to the hypotext. In Jane Eyre, “the lunatic grappled his throat
viciously, and lay her teeth to his cheek: they struggled” (JE, p. 291).
In the Victorian Age, if the wife attacked or yelled at her husband, she would be labeled as
hysteric and someone with propensities to madness. Considering that, in both novels, hysteria and
nymphomania are supposed to conflate in creole women’s bodies, the two Rochesters have medical
ratification to affirm their wives are insane. After all, in the nineteenth century, “the pervert, like the
hysteric, repeat[ed] a scene they ha[d] in common: seduction and madness” (CIXOUS, 1986: p. 13).
According to Foucault, “hysteria was associated with every sort of absurdity and disordered
imagination. Very frequently, hysteria was understood as the effect of heating, a boiling manifested
by non-stop convulsions and spasms” (FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 279-80) [My translation]. Actually,
all these ideas are found in Walker’s nineteenth-century definition of hysteria. As he explains, this
illness is provoked by disordered sexuality:
If the depravity be not arrested, general disease and local affections
of the organs of reproduction ensue – acrid leucorrhoea
2
, ulcerations of
the matrix, abortions, and sometimes nymphomania and furor uterinus,
terminate life amidst delirium and convulsions. (...) It is evident that the
victims of depravity demand the most active vigilance of mothers, if they
desire to preserve either the morals or the health of their daughters.
(WALKER, 1995: p. 30).
2
Leucorrhoea is a medical term for white discharges which is an excessive secretion of the vagina (DECHERNEY & NATHAN, 2002:
p. 48).
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The same way Foucault describes hysteria as blood effervescence, Walker says that the
female nymphomaniac can suffer from continuous priapism
3
, frequent itching, inordinate desires,
taciturnity, moroseness or ferocity, lassitude, disgust, incapacity of averting attention from
voluptuous images. In this condition, she could also be affected by chlorosis (yellowish paleness),
suspension of catamenia (menstrual discharge) and irritability in the reproductive organs.
Intermingling hysteria with sexual mania, Walker adds that patients with this profile become
victims of insanity. After all, the combination of neurological unbalance and nymphomania would
provoke cardiac problems provided that higher influx of blood to the head could create syncopes
and vapors, felt throughout the organism. If the woman presented uncontrolled palpitation, serious
complications could occur, including skin darkening:
The nervous susceptibility affects the heart; its movements, either by fits or
permanently, becoming quick, irregular, and strong, and constituting
palpitation. (...) The worst disease resulting from this cause is
nymphomania. The women (...) have been observed to be of small stature,
and to have somewhat bold features, the skin dark, the complexion ruddy.
(...) Their eyes roll in wanton glances, the cheeks are flushed, the bosom
heaves, and every gesture exhibits the lurking desire, enkindled by the
distressing flame that burns within (WALKER, 1995: p. 34).
As Elaine Showalter exposes in Sexual Anarchy: Gender and Culture at the Fin de Siècle
(1995), there was a tendency in the nineteenth century to associate sexual impurity with racial
degeneration, especially in cases of miscegenation: “As women sought opportunities for self-
development outside of marriage, medicine and science warned that such ambitions would lead to
sickness, freakishness, sterility and racial degeneration” (p. 39). Just like Showalter says, Rochester
comments about Bertha’s madness, suggesting that sexuality only made the creole manifest a
dormant illness that, sooner or later, would come out of the genetically defective organism: “my wife
was mad her excesses had prematurely developed the germs of insanity (JE, p. 304). [Emphasis
in original]. In this way, Rochester leads us to another component of Bertha’s multifaceted lunacy:
miscegenation.
3
In this case, by priapism, Walker means a non-stop erection of the clitoris (DECHERNEY & NATHAN, 2002: p. 387).
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It is fundamental to notice that, though libido seems to have anticipated Bertha’s insanity, to
assume that sexuality by itself catalyzes insanity may be a precipitated conclusion. Provided that
Bertha’s hybrid blood is what determines her instincts, her wild sexuality should be read as one of
many organic dysfunctions found in her body. As Michael Thorpe affirms, “[there are] coarse
assumptions about madness, mingled with the racial prejudice inherent in the insistent suggestion
that Bertha’s Creole blood is the essence of her lunacy (2000: p. 174). Actually, this comment is
very significant, if articulated with anthropological studies. After all, since the seventeenth century,
scientific theories presented miscegenation as an affront to nature and a phenomenon responsible for
the extinction of normal species. Considering the complexity of this subject and its importance in
the present study, in the following section, I will approach madness in the two novels, based on
theories on mestizage which, according to Robert Young, were very famous in the decade in which
Jane Eyre was written (YOUNG, 1995: p. 17).
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1.2- Madness, Racial and Cultural Hybridism in Jane Eyre and Wide Sargasso Sea:
According to the anthropologist Naomi Zack, associations between race and chemistry
started in the seventeenth century with John Locke’s studies (1693). As a scientist and philosopher,
Locke changed Aristotle’s transcendental concept of ‘essence’ into chemical compounds. As he
affirms, ‘real essences’ are found in carbonic groups which determine the elements with which
species and race are built (LOCKE, 1994: p. 449). Borrowing the term ‘race’ from zoology, Locke
means that blacks and whites are made of incompatible formulas: “There were (...) distinctions
between men and men upon account of their different Complexions, Shapes and Features”
(LOCKE, 1994: p. 43). In favor of biological determinism, Locke assumed that miscegenation
would beget monsters, though he was not certain of this fact: “Locke is at times unsure, given the
existence of ‘monsters,’ that are real divisions between human and animal species” (ZACK, 2002:
p. 12).
Another seventeenth-century thinker who insinuated that biochemical distinctiveness
between whites and non-whites compromised the Africans’ cognition was Morgan Goodwyn
(1681). As an Anglican minister and pedagogue, Goodwyn claims that negroes were unable to
exercise their rationality, being deprived of genius and prone to idiocy: “As to their Stupidity, there
is a little truth therein. [Most of them] (...) are (...) destitute of means of knowledge and wanting
Education. (GOODWYN, 1998: p. 299) [Emphasis in original].
Based on Locke and Goodwyn’s works, Enlightening philosophers and scientists
transformed these ideas into universal laws, creating eugenics. Though the term ‘eugenics’ was
firstly coined by Francis Galton in 1902, theories on behalf of racial separatism were founded in the
eighteenth century. Luke Kelves defines ‘eugenics’ as pseudo-genetics and a theory defended by
distinct groups: scientists and philosophers prior to the discovery of genetics, detractors of Mendel’s
studies in 1865 and anti-reactionaries who did not approve of ratification of genetics between 1902
and 1920: “Eugenics is false science. It is about the selective prevention or encouragement of births
for social, racial or political ends” (KELVES, 1994: p. 1). As the geneticist Mark Terry explains,
eugenics would only weaken after the 1950’s, though this myth is still very strong in Germany
(TERRY, 2000: p. 1).
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Even though eighteenth-century intellectuals claimed to be irradiated by the light of reason,
indeed, they could never get to a commonsense concerning the origin of races. On the one hand,
French philosophers, like Montesquieu, favored abolitionist ideas; on the other hand, anti-
reactionary thinkers such as Hume and Kant insisted on writing about the inequality between blacks
and whites. (ZACK, 2002: p. 14).
According to the anthropologist Richard Popkin, there were two rival groups identified as
monogenicists and polygenicists (POPKIN, 1977: p. 15). The polygenicists defended slavery,
believing that blacks were excluded from the Homo sapiens. In opposition, monogenicists posited
that races were varieties of the same species, but in different degrees of evolvement. As the
anthropologists Naomi Zack, Lília Schwarcz and the post-colonialist Robert Young explain,
theories on evolution started appearing in the eighteenth century. In fact, Charles Darwin only
rearranged it in a way it became acceptable both for polygenicists and monogenicists
(SCHWARCZ, 1993: 47-54; YOUNG, 1995: p. 1-13; ZACK, 2002: p. 60-9).
Young, for example, ponders that Polygenicism was the predominant discourse both in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (YOUNG, 1995: p. 7). According to this scholar, one of the
greatest supporters of monogenicism, evolutionism and racial degeneration was Johan Blumenbach
(1779). Like Buffon and Cuvier, Blumenbach thought that the environment could change people
and that phenotypical alterations that is, modifications in appearance could be transmitted to
future generations through heredity. Being so, Blumenbach says that, the same way humans evolve
by becoming whiter, tropical heat and atmospheric pressure can make them degenerate, look darker
and dull their intellectual potentials: “Causes of degeneration act in conjunction upon humans. On
the other hand, degeneration may be triggered by the accession of other conditions, especially if
humans are in various regions of the terraqueous globe [with] a very different temperature of the air
generally contrary [to evolution]” (BLUMENBACH, 1973: p. 82-3). Rhys mentions that heat could
cause mental disturbance in Wide Sargasso Sea. When Rochester arrives in Jamaica, he suspects
that the high temperature of the island makes him feel drowsy and feverish: “‘Well,’ I thought. ‘I
have a fever. I am not myself yet’” (WSS, p. 38). Besides, Rochester learns that Jamaica is “a very
wild place, not civilized” (WSS, p. 38).
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During the eighteenth century, the relation between science and philosophy was built on
mutuality and reciprocity. The same way pseudo-science supported philosophy, the latter interfered
in the creation of new scientific truths. So much so that Blumenbach and the philosopher David
Hume inspired Immanuel Kant to talk about blacks and miscegenated with disdain. In Observations
on the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime (1764), Kant remarks that racial separatism is
fundamental for three reasons. Firstly, because non-whites present mental limitations; secondly,
because mestizaje could be responsible for unpredictable syndromes; and thirdly, because
creolization impedes lineages to remain pure and intact:
In this way, Negroes and Whites are not different species of humans (for
they belong presumably to one stock), but they are different races, for each
perpetuates itself in every area, and they generate between the children that
are necessarily hybrid, or blending (mulattoes). (...) Among the deviations
i. e., the hereditary differences of animals belonging to a single stock and to
a mixed one is enormous. The former maintain themselves overprotected
generation after generation, and if they interbreed with other deviations of
the same stock, they perpetuate the races those which at every
transplantation maintain the distinctiveness of their deviation and so
preserve their resemblance. Yet, when interbreeding with others, (...) [two
stocks] generate hybrids (KANT, 1996: p. 16).
In fact, Kant feared that the match of different kinds of blood might provoke inner side-
effects in the miscegenated body owing to the co-existence of incompatible hereditary materials. In
the eighteenth century, genes had not been discovered, so it was thought that one’s hereditary
material flowed freely within one’s blood. That is why the creole was supposed to be a hybrid body:
because he/she had heterogeneous blood (ZACK, 2002: p. 45). As Zack affirms, “Kant (...) did not
know that hereditary traits are passed on via individual genes, and that individual genes are discrete
entities of the world”(ZACK, 2002: p. 21).
Viewed as a creature without a clear-cut racial definition, the miscegenated was supposed to
be deprived of a definite character as well. To Kant, the blended was susceptible to neurological
dysfunctions because he/she lacked spiritual, intellectual and emotional balance. In his
antimiscegenation laws, he associates intelligence to skin color, suspecting that, in opposition to
whites’ evolvement, blacks and mulattoes are victims of a process of racial decadence: “So
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fundamental is the difference between these two races of man in regard to mental capacities and
colour” (KANT, 1996: p. 10-1).
Kant’s ideas about miscegenation became so influential in the nineteenth century that
biracial Caribbean landowners had their daughters married to Europeans to whiten up their race
(SCHWARCZ, 1993: p. 11). In accordance with this historical fact, Brontë’s Rochester is chosen to
marry Bertha with the incumbency to purify the Masons’ infected blood: “Her family wished to
secure me, because I was of a good race” (JE, p. 302). Questions of blood also appear in Wide
Sargasso Sea when Daniel stresses that Antoinette is not different from mulattoes: “Pretty face, soft
skin, pretty colour not yellow like me. But my sister just the same” (WSS, p. 79). In fact,
Antoinette is not supposed to be better than mulattoes or inferior to whites. As Christophine makes
clear, one’s blood and racial condition do not define his/her character. So much so that, from her
point-of-view, the colonizer is cruel to the colonized: “[Antoinette] (...) is more better than you [Mr.
Rochester], she have better blood in her and she don’t care for money (WSS, 98). According to
post-Mendelian
1
geneticists, Kant’s classifications are nonsense, especially because race or
biological hybridity do not exist. As the post-Mendelian geneticist Robin Andreason exposes, race
and miscegenation are mere social conventions with no scientific consistency:
The lack of biological basis for race has shown this concept has been
historically constructed. (...) The first thing to be regarded is that humans in
general seem to come from Africa which does not mean that our
ancestors were necessarily black. In theory, melanin is posterior to the
existence of human beings but, anyway, the oldest fossils of our species are
found in Africa. (...) Another thing is that the myth of pure race has no
scientific evidence. If Homo sapiens evolved over the past 100,000,
200,000 or 2 billion years, we cannot conceive that tribes have always lived
apart. Then, it is very likely that whites are products of n genetic
combinations, which knocks down the theory of ‘pure race’. Mankind, on
the whole, is genetically mixed, so what is now called miscegenation is just
a continuation of a millenary process that has accompanied us. Diversity
has always marked our species and it will always be like that
(ANDREASON, 1998: p. 224-5) [Emphasis in original].
1
Post-Mendelian genetics is a late twentieth-century medical trend that, despite following Mendel’s conclusions about the role of the
genes during the fecundation, reacts against the mathematical precision with which Mendel presents genetics (LEWONTIN, 2001: p.
84-94).
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Reinforcing Andreason’s report, the anthropologist Eliane Azevêdo explains that seventy
percent of the human genes are the same; and that the thirty-percent variation, responsible for
complexion, present very identical features in a way people with different biotypes are undoubtedly
all members of the Homo sapiens (AZEVÊDO, 1990: p. 30). That is why post-colonial theory
contests the existence of biological hybridity and views eugenics as a mask to colonial purposes. As
Plasa remarks, “post-colonial criticism has constructed two antithetical groups, the colonizer, the
colonized, self and Other because it is preoccupied with issues of hybridity, creolization, mestizage,
in-betweenness, diasporas and liminality, with the mobility of cross-overs and identities generated
by colonialism” (1995: p. iii).
Though Kant’s ideas about miscegenation are no longer accepted in contemporary biological
studies, many English intellectuals followed his ideas both in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries. So much so that the English historian Edward Long (1774) reports that blacks and whites
belong to different species in History of Jamaica: “for my own part, I think there are extremely
potent reasons for believing that the White and the Negro are two distinct species” (2003: p. 336).
Another eighteenth-century physician who spoke against ‘racial hybridism’ was Charles White
(1799). According to him, intelligence is proportional to skull size. Once the Caucasians’ are the
most evolved, whites’ brain functions with much more efficiency: “Anatomy has proved to be
responsible for rational discrepancies. Where shall we find, unless in the European an nobly arched
head, containing such a quantity of brain?” (WHITE, 2003: p. 57).
In Britain, Edward Long and Charles White became rather responsible for the English’s
prejudicial opinion about ‘mongrelity’ in the transition from the eighteenth to the nineteenth
century. According to these intellectuals, creoles would be accidental creatures, generated by
imprudence, who being identical to mules
2
, would represent an abomination to nature’s rules. By
the way, the term ‘mulatto’ was created in analogy to the mule’s biological condition: “Some few of
Mulattos have intermarried here with those of their complexion; but such matches have generally
been defective and barren” (LONG, 2003: p. 335).
2
Mules are, in fact, hybrid equines. Generated between two similar species, they are neither horses nor asses and present organic
malfunctioning owing to genetic problems such as infertility, cardiac problems, which cause them to live shortly.
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Agreeing with Long and White, in 1832, William Frédéric Edwards brings back
Blumenbach’s ‘principle of degeneration’ with some modifications. In his famous theory of
‘reversion’ or ‘throwing back’, he highlights that hybridity could lead mankind to extinction since,
from time to time, half-breds generate black offspring and never white. Thus, Edwards concludes
that miscegenation in the Caribbean would lead the colonial society to a ‘reversion’ by means of a
gradual reduction of whites:
The reversion may be divided into two main classes which, however, in
some instances, blend into one another: firstly, those occurring in a variety
or race which has not been crossed, but has lost by variation some character
that it formerly possessed, and which afterwards reappears. The second
class includes all distinguishable character, a race, or species which has at
some former period been crossed and a character derived from this cross,
after having disappeared during one or several generations, suddenly
reappears. A third class, differing only in the manner of reproduction,
might be formed to include all cases of reversion (...) independent of true or
seminal generations. In the present chapter, I shall consider the part which
crossing plays in two opposed directions firstly, in obliterating
characters, and consequently in preventing the formation of new pure races.
I shall also find that, in the case of intermediate races, certain characters are
incapable of fusion. And secondly, regarding the spontaneous modification
of old races, free reproduction chiefly gives uniformity (...) to the
individuals of the same species or variety, when they live mingled together
and are not exposed to any excessive variability. Behold, ongoing
interbreeding in a given community may cause the extinction of the white
race. (...) The following calculation shows that: if a colony with an equal
number of black and white were founded, and we assume that they
intermarry indiscriminately, are equally prolific, and that one in thirty
annually dies and is born; then in 65 years the number of blacks, whites,
and mulattoes would be equal. In 91 years, the whites would be 1-10th, the
blacks, 1-10th and mulattoes, or people with intermediate degrees of colour,
8-10ths of the whole number. In three centuries, not 1-100th part of the
whites would exist. When one of two mingled races exceed the other
greatly in number, the latter will soon be wholly, or almost wholly, while
the weakened, absorbed and lost (EDWARDS, 1950: p.53-63).
Another nineteenth-century detractor of miscegenation was the physician Robert Knox
(1828). From Knox’s point-of-view, mestizos compounded a new species that would not last long
owing to their genetic disorders. As he states, sooner or later, every miscegenated would manifest
the blackness he/she conceals and die in a process of degeneration: “Products of inter-racial unions
are either infertile, or if fertile, after a few generations will revert to the real species from which they
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sprang. Further in the future, all of us will have come to the conclusion that the hybrid was a
degradation of humanity and was rejected by nature” (KNOX, 1980: p. 86, 497).
In 1843, the Scottish historian Thomas Carlyle used superstition to sustain his position
against hybridity. In his appeal against the abolitionist causes, he warns that bizarre and deformed
creatures might arise out of the mixture of races, just in case no political precaution was taken in
advance. Then, in “The Nigger Question”, he states that interracial weddings among whites and
blacks “will give birth to progenies and prodigies; dark extensive moon-calves, unnamable
abortions, wide-coiled monstrosities, such as the world has not seen hitherto!” (1843: p. 354).
To all these thinkers, blood and skin worked in accord, being respectively inner and outer
racial marks. It was believed that pigmentation was proportional to the amount of racial germs
found in one’s blood. In cases of miscegenation, the degree of racial depuration or impurity was
detected through the epidermis. So, the more one had white germs, the lighter he/she would look
and vice-versa. As Zack claims, “skin color differences have always seemed obvious, and blood
differences held the promise of providing an objective phenotypical basis for race” (ZACK. 2002: p.
55). Mainly from 1841 onwards, the fear of miscegenation increased alarmingly. Young says that in
the 1840’s the decade in which Jane Eyre was written proliferation of prejudice against the
birracial was so intense that discussions about hybridity became fashionable and highly discussed in
England:
From the 1840s onwards, the question of species, and therefore of hybridity,
was always placed at the centre of discussions and was consistently and
comprehensively treated. (...) From the 1840s, the new racial theories based
on comparative anatomy and craniometry in the United States, Britain and
France endorsed the polygenic alternative, and discussions on the question
of hybridity became a standard discursive feature of any book on natural
history or race, and the most persuasive means through which any writer on
racial theory established himself as being, in Foucault’s phrase, ‘in the true’
(YOUNG, 1995: p. 7,11).
In accordance with all these discourses, the association between psychic dysfunction and
racial mixture is very clear in Jane Eyre. In such novel, Bertha’s predecessors and siblings, both men
and women, have been constantly stricken by mental problems: “Bertha Mason (...) came from a mad
family; idiots and maniacs throughout three generations!” (JE, p. 303). According to Foucault, idiocy
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(or dementia) “is, among any other illness of the soul, the one that gets closer to the essence of
madness” (1972: p. 252) [My translation]. Besides, manias are identified through frenzy, violence and
compulsion (FOUCAULT, 1972: p. 266). Many respectful readings on Jane Eyre have emphasized
questions of female insanity because of the mother-daughter relation between Bertha and Mrs.
Mason. However, there are further details to be considered. As far as I am concerned, gender
functions as an aggravator to Bertha’s congenial problem and not as the generator of psychic
unbalance. After all, male creoles also present anomalies in different degrees. Bertha’s older brother,
for instance, has a ‘feeble mind’ and the youngest was an idiot: “The elder one (...) has (...) [a] feeble
mind. There was a younger brother too a complete dumb idiot (JE, p. 303). Looking from this
perspective, Thorpe’s belief that the origin of Bertha’s lunacy is found in miscegenation is pretty
acceptable (THORPE, 2000: p. 174).
Similarly to Jane Eyre, Rhys’s creole has a younger brother with unspecified problems that
impede him to talk properly: “She [mom] persuaded a Spanish Town doctor to visit my younger
brother Pierre who staggered when he walked and couldn’t speak distinctly. I don’t know what the
doctor told her [but] (...) after that she changed” (WSS, p. 4). Daniel also tells Rochester that
Antoinette’s family has had mental illnesses for generations and that both Mr. and Mrs. Cosway died
as lunatics:
Wicked and detestable slave-owners since generations – yes everybody hate
them in Jamaica. (...). Wickedness is not the worst. There is madness in the
family. Old Cosway die raving like his father before him (...) and soon
madness that is in her [Annette] and in all these white Creoles, come out.
She shut herself away, laughing and talking to nobody as many can bear
witness (...). The madness get worse and she has to be shut away. (...).
[Antoinette] (...) is no good girl to marry with the bad blood she have from
both sides. But I hear too that the girl is beautiful like her mother was
beautiful, and you bewitch with her. She is in your blood and your bones
(...) [A]sk that devil of man Richard Mason three questions and make him
answer you. Is your wife’s mother shut away, a ranging lunatic and worse
besides? (...) Was your wife’s brother an idiot from birth, though God
mercifully take him early on? Is your wife herself going the same way as
her mother? (...) Money is good but no money can pay for a crazy wife in
your bed. Crazy and worse besides (WSS, p. 58-60).
Aware of Rochester’s acquaintance with Daniel, Antoinette firstly hesitates to tell him her
version of the facts: “‘he does not believe me. It is too late for that now (it is too late for the truth)’,
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I [Antoinette] thought” (WSS, p. 72) [Parentheses in original]. But when she understands defamation
can ruin her, she strives to show another side of the story and persuade Rochester to believe in her
truths. Denying Daniel’s participation in the family, Antoinette explains that rumors about her are
nothing but slanders and that other pieces of information are false:
‘I will tell you the truth, not lies. (...) Lies are never forgotten, they go on
and they grow. (...) [Daniel] (...) has no right to that name’, she said quickly.
‘His real name, if he has one, is Daniel Boyd. He hates all white people, but
he hates me most. He tells lies about us and he is sure that you can believe
him and not listen to the other side’. ‘Is there another side?’ I [Rochester]
said. ‘There is always another side, always’. ‘You saw Daniel. I know what
he told you. That my mother was mad and infamous and that my little
brother who died was born a cretin, an idiot, and that I am a mad girl too.
That is what he told you, isn’t it?’ (...) I [Rochester] began to wonder how
much of all this was true, how much imagined, distorted (WSS, p. 81-4).
Corroborating with Antoinette’s account, Christophine also confirms that Daniel is
unreliable and fakes to be Mr. Cosway’s son: “It’s lies all that yellow bastard tell you. He is no
Cosway either. His mother was a no-good woman and she try to fool the old man but the old man
isn’t fooled. (...) More he do for those people, more they hate him. The hate in that man Daniel – he
can’t rest with it” (WSS, p. 102). So far, Rochester wonders whether or not Daniel is Antoinette’s
brother, but when he hears from Hilda that Daniel’s parents were colored, Rochester feels sure he
cannot trust any Carib:
She added thoughtfully that Daniel is a superior man, always reading the
Bible and that he lived like white people. (...) [S]he explained that he had a
house like white people, with one room for sitting. That he had two pictures
on the wall of his father and his mother. ‘White people?’ ‘Oh no, coloured’.
(...) Daniel is a bad man and he will come here and make trouble for you.
It’s better he don’t come. They say (...) he was a preacher in Barbados, he
talk like a preacher. (WSS, p. 76)
Though Hilda makes bad comments about Daniel, he claims to be a religious man, a Bible-
reader, someone committed with the truth so that Rochester relies on him:
[I] read the Bible every day I pick up knowledge without effort. (...) Then it
seems my Christian duty to warn the gentleman that she is no good girl to
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marry (...). (...) [T]here is my half brother Alexander, coloured like me but
not unlucky like me, he will want to tell you all sorts of lies. (...)
Christophine is a bad woman and she will lie to you worse than your wife.
Your own wife she talks sweet talks and she lies. (...) Richard Mason (...)
tell you a lot of nancy stories, which is what we call lies here. (...) Don’t
listen to him. Make him answer – yes or no. ( WSS, p. 59, 78).
As a matter of fact, this letter from Daniel to Rochester is important because it helps the
English construct Antoinette’s madness: “I folded [Daniel’s] (...) letter carefully and put it into my
pocket. I felt no surprise [to know about the mestizo’s madness]. (...) It brought me to my senses”
(WSS, p. 60). Though Rochester never speaks about his prejudice to Antoinette, Christophine notices
he avoids his wife. So, when the black woman hears the couple is going to live in Europe, she
previews that Rochester will not introduce Antoinette into the English society as Mrs. Rochester
because of their racism: “She is Creole girl, and she have the sun in her. Tell the truth now. She don’t
come to your house in this place England they tell me about” (WSS, p. 102).
In Wide Sargasso Sea, Rhys really focuses on racial prejudice by taking advantage of
Bertha’s hysteria, nymphomania and racial degeneration. And to display how Rhys does so, I will
briefly resume some pieces of information about the hysteric and the nymphomaniac. As I showed
in the previous section, Victorian physicians explained that the fury of the hysteric and of the sexual
maniac was supposed to accelerate her heart-pounding, make her blood grow hot, flush to the head,
alter her metabolism and make her look ruddy (WALKER, 1995: p. 34). I also mentioned that
hysteria and nymphomania were supposed to provoke racial degeneration; that is, real changes in
complexion might occur (SHOWALTER, 1995: p. 39). In the case of the mestizo, Zack explains
that the association among hysteria, nymphomania and miscegenation extrapolated the scientific
discourse, lying in the realm of folk belief. According to the Victorian superstition, alterations in the
hysteric/nymphomaniac’s metabolism could affect the heterogeneous blood, making black germs
prevail over the white ones:
[I]t was widely believed throughout the nineteenth-century that nonapparent
racial phenotypes such as blood caused the apparent ones to be changed.
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Differences in skin shade and blood are worth understanding in some detail,
because folk beliefs that color and blood determined race were really
persistent (ZACK, 2002: p. 44-5).
Confirming Zack’s affirmative, the anthropologist Lília Schwarcz still remarks: during the
nineteenth century, “[l]ower species of humans such as the miscegenated (...) were degenerated and
inferior (...). That is why studies about madness (...) used to make associations between personal
insanity and racial degeneration” (1993: p. 46-9) [My translation]. Though all these ideas are
extremely preposterous nowadays, they integrated the Victorian cultural universe. So much so that
in his political discourse, Carlyle referred to the miscegenated as progenies and monstrosities
(CARLYLE, 1843: p. 354).
Aware of the Victorian’s prejudice to the West-Indian hybrids, Rhys confesses to suspect of
Charlotte Brontë’s including racial reversion in Jane Eyre in a letter to Diana Athill (March 9
th
,
1966), and that, based on her hypothesis, she would write a new novel to review questions of
miscegenation in Brontë’s masterpiece: “Charlotte may or may not have heard the legend but that is
guesswork (...) [but] if Charlotte Brontë took her horrible Bertha Mason from this legend, I have the
right to take lost Antoinette. I think she [Antoinette] would become first a legend, then a monster,
quickly. (...) I think too Charlotte had a ‘thing’ about the West Indies being rather sinister places
(...). Perhaps most people had this idea by then” (RHYS, 1984: p. 143-5).
Since Rhys’s parody to Bertha’s blackening in Wide Sargasso Sea, revisionary readings of
Jane Eyre concerning racial reversion have appeared. It suffices to say that in “Colonialism and the
Figurative Strategy in Jane Eyre (1990), Susan Meyer affirms: “[Bertha] (...) clearly (...) pass[es]
as white in the novel’s retrospective narrative. (...) But when she actually emerges in the course of
action, the narrative associates her with blacks (...) [i]n the form in which (...) Bertha has become
black” (1990: p. 33) [Emphasis in original]. Taking this quotation into account, let us observe why
both Rhys and Meyer suspect of Bertha’s gradual blackening in Jane Eyre.
When Bertha marries Rochester, she is a creole like her mother. According to Eurídice
Figueiredo, the term ‘creole’ was used in the nineteenth-century Caribbean to describe light-skinned
miscegenated, especially those of French descent: “since the eighteenth century, the term ‘creole’ is
applied to everyone born in the Antilles, being restricted, consecutively, to whites” (1998: 18) [My
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translation]. In accordance with such definition, when Brontë’s Rochester says that Bertha was
‘dark’, he means ‘tanned’: “Miss Mason was the boast of Spanish Town for her beauty: and this was
no lie. I found her a fine woman in the style of Blanch Ingram: tall, dark, and majestic” (JE, p. 302).
In old times, Bertha used to be beautiful and, provided that Victorians associated beauty with
whiteness, once more we can think of Bertha as a creole: “the color of the skin is regarded by men
as a highly important element in (...) beauty and the face with us is chiefly admired for its beauty
(DARWIN, 2004: p. 230).
Although Bertha passes as a light-skinned miscegenated when she marries Rochester, she
seems to be presented as a mulatto later. Of course, we do not know what happens to the
madwoman in her cage. Notwithstanding, there are subliminal messages suggesting that monstrosity
may comprise racial mutation. According to Jane’s portrayal, Mrs. Rochester presents many
physical injuries. However, there are indictments that ‘purple’ traits make reference to Bertha’s skin
color:
‘It seemed (...) a woman, tall, large, with thick and dark hair hanging long
down her back. (...) I never saw a face like it! (...) it was a savage face. I
wish I could forget the fearful black inflation of the lineaments! (...) This
[ghost] was purple: the lips were swelled and dark; the brow furrowed: the
black eyebrows largely raised over the bloodshot eyes. (...) I recognized
well that purple face – those bloated features (JE, p. 281, 90).
In spite of having darkened lumps, Bertha is a woman whose savage face and biotype are
unusual to the narrator: “The shape standing before me never crossed my eyes, (...) the height, the
contour were new to me” (JE, p. 281) [My emphasis]. Another indictment that Bertha may have
grown dark is in the episode in which Rochester wants to convince Jane that her vision of the ghost
is an illusion. At such moment, he describes Bertha as a black-faced creature: “the long dishevelled
hair, the swelled black face, the exaggerated stature were figments of imagination; results of
nightmare” (JE, p. 283). Considering that, in English language, the adjective closest to the noun is
supposed to indicate an ‘inherent’ quality, not a ‘circumstantial’ one (QUIRK & GREENBAUM,
1993: p. 377), Bertha does not look dark just because of bruises. After all, the phrase ‘swelled black
face’ stylistically emphasizes her complexion and not the bloats.
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Without discarding evidences of physical injuries, we should regard that, according to Jane,
the ghost’s whole body is purple. Though Jane focuses on the purple face when she meets Bertha for
the second time, in their first meeting, the heroine claims to have seen a purple ghost. If so, it feels
that, besides growths, scars and the degrading condition in which Bertha lives, her monstrosity may
be based on a further ingredient: skin darkening. After all, albeit Bertha used to be beautiful in the
past; now there is a purple tissue that obliterates her old comeliness: “That is my wife, (...) Look at
the difference! Compare these clear eyes [of Jane] with the red balls yonder this face with that
mask” (JE, p. 292). Considering that the symbolic mask which covers Bertha’s prior countenance is
the very epidermis that compounds her purple/black face, the word ‘mask’ possibly works as a
euphemistic way to portray the creole’s racial reversion. And why? Since the savage mask deformed
her face, Bertha is no longer human: “I had the right to break the compact, and seek sympathy
with something at least human [says Rochester]” (JE, p. 290, 2). Provided that, according to the
Victorian mentality, savages were not white and that, since the seventeenth century, miscegenation
was associated with monstrosity, there are understatements that may point out racial reversion in
Jane Eyre.
Although Rhys’s perception of Bertha’s blackening seems to be a conjecture, such
hypothesis is not as speculative as it seems, especially if we consider what the discourse analyst
Dominique Maingueneau says about the concept of ‘interdiscursivity’. As Maingueneau poses,
interdiscursivity is detected through suggestions, understatements and not through direct allusions.
Working in opposition to ‘intertextuality’, ‘interdiscursivity’ is subtle and may dialogue with
particular discursive formations without admitting it overtly: “Interdiscursivity is not marked on its
surface, but (...) can be defined (...) through interdiscourses with the discursive formation even in
the absence of any explicit lexical mark” (MAINGUENEAU, 1997: p. 75,123) [My translation].
Through interdiscursivity, we might hypothesize that Bertha has gone black provided that there are
indictments of eugenic ideas in Jane Eyre.
Even if Bertha’s blackening is just a supposition, it is not surprising to imagine Brontë’s
relating monstrosity to dark pigmentation. After all, since the Renaissance, Caliban Shakespeare’s
non-white savage from The Tempest had been depicted as “disproportion’d as in his manners/ As
in his shape” (V.1.288-90) because he is Algerian. As an African-descendent, Bertha is partly
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animalesque, being “found on the borderline between human and the bestial” (GIL, 1994: p. 12)
[My translation]. As Fátima Oliveira declares, “the monstrous body is hybrid: it unites things of two
distinct natures (divinity/man, animal/man); fuses beings whose shapes and features should remain
separate” (2004: p. 1) [My translation]. It explains, for instance, why Caliban is “a monster (...) with
four legs” (II.2.188) and why Bertha moves like a quadruped:
What it was, whether beast or human being, or could not, at first sight, tell: it
grovelled, seemingly, on all fours; (...) the clothed hyena rose up, and stood
tall on its hind feet it snatched and growled like some strange wild animal (...)
it was covered with clothing; (...) A fierce cry seemed to give the lie to her
favourable report (JE, 291).
Bertha’s monstrosity creates huge ambivalence between hybridity and paganism in Jane
Eyre. More than once, madness wavers between organic dysfunction and malign essence in a way
biological hybridity becomes a powerful gothic representation: “The lunatic is both cunning and
malignant” (JE, p. 307).
Although interdiscursivity allows us to detect polygenic ideas in Jane Eyre, Brontë does not
seem to defend scientificism exactly. On the contrary, she only takes advantage of scientific
contradictions to subvert them through gothicism. Brontë prefers in-betweenness and interstitial
spaces where she can explore ambiguities. If in a way, there is a medical diagnosis of lunacy in Jane
Eyre, when madness is revealed, logic retracts and the gothic expands. By blurring the borders
between reason and superstition, Brontë brings together empiricism and imagination, science and
fancy, logic and folk belief, the rational and the non-rational in a way Bertha’s physical and psychic
defects come along with spiritual evilness. Due to this fact, we cannot discern how far
miscegenation veils prejudice to the pagan. What can be assumed, however, is that the same
ontological deficiency that compromises Bertha’s racial purity and mental capacities is the one that
transforms the character into a hellish being.
Refuting the idea that the miscegenated is a hybrid body, Rhys parodies biological
monstrosity and racial degeneration in Wide Sargasso Sea in two different ways. First of all, she
shows how the colonizer, moved by prejudice, sees his wife and other Caribs getting darker. In
Stuart Hall’s terms, Rochester gazes at the Caribs with ‘the English eye’: “The colonized other was
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placed in [his] otherness, (...) [and] marginality, by the nature of the ‘English eye’, the all-
encompassing English eye. The English eye sees everything else but is not so good at recognizing
that it is itself actually looking at something” (1997: p. 174).
In Wide Sargasso Sea, the Englishman reproduces Brontë’s Rochester’s speech, saying that,
when he first met Antoinette, she was so beautiful that she could pass as a white: “Creole of pure
descent she may be (...). The girl is thought to be beautiful, she is beautiful. (...) Looking up
smilingly, she might have been any pretty English girl. (...) A beautiful color against the thick green
leaf. (...) I wonder I had never realized how beautiful she was” (WSS, p. 37, 41, 46).
On the wedding day, Rochester confesses to be so self-absorbed that he does not remember
what Antoinette looked like: “If I saw an expression of doubt or curiosity it was on a black face not
a white one” (WSS, p. 44). During the honeymoon, he thinks she has changed a little and that no
longer passes as white: “I was watching her, hardly able to believe she was the pale, silent creature I
had married” (WSS, p. 52).
In analogy to Jane Eyre, Rhys resumes the idea that sexual contact causes blackening; but
rather than associating skin changes with biological determinism, she links mutation to abjection
3
.
In Wide Sargasso Sea, Rochester both feels sexual attraction to mix-raced women and repels them.
While echoing Brontë’s Rochester’s statement “I never loved, I never esteemed, I did not even
know her” ( JE, p. 303), Rhys’s Rochester openly remarks: “I did not love her [Antoinette], I was
thirsty for her, but that was not love. I felt very little tenderness for her, she was a stranger to me”
(WSS, p. 56).
The same way Rochester says Antoinette has grown tanned, he alleges that other mestizos
change complexions. After having sex with Amélie (one of the maidservants), Rochester claims that
the girl has grown black afterwards: “Another complication. Impossible. [Amélie’s] (...) skin was
darker, her lips thicker than I thought” (WSS, p. 90).
Then, as soon as Rochester suspects Antoinette and Amélie can be relatives, he starts
abhorring his wife even more: “She raised her eyebrows and the corners of her mouth turned down
in a questioning mocking way. For a moment she looked very much like Amélie. Perhaps they are
3
According to Julia Kristeva, abjection is a feeling which wavers between desire and repulsion, eagerness and disgust: “abjection
beseeches, worries, and fascinates desire, which, nevertheless, does not let itself be seduced. Apprehensive, desire turns aside;
sickened, it rejects” (1982: p. 1).
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related, I thought. It’s possible, it’s even probable in this dammed place” (WSS, p. 81). As Carl
Plasa asserts, “[t]he likeness Rochester imagines between his wife and the mulatto girl is itself
consolidated in the wake of his sexual intercourse with Amélie (...) [After all, both women] become
subjected to the transformation of the Rochesterian gaze” (2000: p. 94).
Just like the colonizer ponders that Antoinette and Amélie have changed, he comments that
Baptiste, the butler, seems to put on a mask of servility
4
, which reinforces his feeling of otherness to
the Caribs: “It was as if he’d put his service mask on the savage reproachful face I had seen” (WSS,
p. 65).
After these episodes, Rochester says that Antoinette’s voice sounds like a black woman:
“You frightened? she said, imitating a Negro’s voice” (WSS, p. 82). But when he ogles and covets
her again, her fierce appearance softens: “I looked at the sad droop of her lips, the frown between
her thick eyebrows (...). As I watched, hating her, her face grew smooth and very young again, she
even seemed to smile. A trick of light perhaps. What else?” (WSS, p. 88).
When problems increase between Antoinette and Rochester and she supposedly becomes
hysteric, Rochester says she goes through a metamorphosis as if she were a witch or a Zombie. By
then, Rhys’s Rochester depicts Antoinette similarly to Bertha as if the protagonist of Wide Sargasso
Sea were gradually becoming a monster: “When I saw her I was too shocked to speak. Her hair
hung uncombed and dull into her eyes which were inflamed and staring, her face was very flushed
and looked swollen. (...). However, when she spoke her voice was low, almost inaudible. (...) [T]his
red-eyed wild-haired was my wife” (WSS, p. 94).
Rhys’s Rochester’s description of the creole leads us back to “[Bertha’s] eyes (...) were
inflamed and staring. [H]er face was very flushed. [She has got] bloodshot eyes (...) [o]f the Foul
German spectre the Vampire”
5
(JE, p. 94, 281). In short, in both novels, female lunacy, sexuality
and racial implications come together.
4
Actually, the association between race and mask in this part of the hypertext intertextually reinforces Rhys’s suspicion of Bertha’s
racial degeneration in Jane Eyre.
5
In Jane Eyre, the allusion to the vampire shows that Bertha’s libido has not weakened. It has only been repressed. As
Maria Conceição Monteiro explains, “the vampire sucks people’s blood” in the attempt to quench desire (2000: p. 21).
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At the moment Rhys’s Rochester claims that his wife has gone through a metamorphosis,
Antoinette’s description conflates with Bertha’s inevitably. By means of intertextuality, Antoinette’s
‘uncombed hair’ reminds us of Bertha’s “thick, dark (...) grizzled hair, wild as mane” (JE, p. 291),
the same way Rhys’s character’s ‘thick eyebrows’ and ‘inflamed eyes’ lead us back to Bertha’s
“black eyebrows largely raised over the bloodshot eyes [and] (...) red balls” (JE, p. 289, 92).
Like Brontë’s Rochester, Rhys’s Rochester sees his hybrid wife as something subhuman:
“I’ll watch for one tear, one human tear. Not that blank hating moonstruck face (WSS, p. 108).
Intertextually, Rhys’s Rochester also sees that Antoinette’s wild face resembles a mask: “When I
looked at her, there was a mask on her face and her eyes were undaunted. She was a fighter, I had to
admit” (WSS, p. 105).
From what we can see, the symbolism between the mask and savageness, borrowed from
Jane Eyre, is very powerful in Wide Sargasso Sea and works as a metaphor that counteracts the
intercross between sexuality and miscegenation in both novels. If in the hypotext, this conflation of
elements conveys nymphomania and racial degeneration, in the hypertext it highlights abjection and
racial discrimination.
Moreover, the term ‘mask’ involves other connotations in Wide Sargasso Sea. So much so
that Young points out that, though the white man desperately desired the non-white woman during
colonial times, he could not admit it because of social conventions. Having to repress his will, he
camouflaged his desire and ‘put on a mask’ of superiority and indifference to hide his attraction to
the female Other: “the fixity of identity for which Englishness developed (...) was rather designed to
mask its uncertainty, its sense of being estranged from itself, sick with desire for the other”
(YOUNG, 1995: p. 2). This is what happens to Rhys’s Rochester. As he declares, he hates aspiring
for her: “Above all, I hated her. (...) She left me thirsty and all my life would be thirst and longing
for what I had lost before I found it” (WSS, p. 112).
Having to suffocate his voluptuousness, he expects Antoinette to look like a monster again:
“She’ll loosen her black hair, and laugh and coax and flatter (a mad girl. She’ll not care for loving.)
She’ll moan and cry and give herself as no sane woman would or could. Or could (WSS, p. 107)
[Emphasis in original].
Actually, this is made very clear in Jane Eyre when Bertha sucks Richard’s blood, expecting to drain his heart (JE, p.
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Although abjection is stressed in Wide Sargasso Sea, from Christophine’s point-of-view,
Rochester has created stories about Antoinette’s mutations because he needs her no more: “‘You
fool[ed] the girl. You ma[d]e her think you can’t see the sun for looking at her’. It was like that, I
thought. It was like that. But better to say nothing” (WSS, p. 98). Besides his internalized rejection
of the female colonized and his will to part with her, it is also possible that Rochester was going
insane in the Caribbean. As he confesses before his departure to England, “[a]ll the mad conflicting
emotions had gone and left me wearied and empty. Sane” (WSS, p. 112). If so, Antoinette has never
been insane...
As said before, Rhys conveys two opposed articulations to parody racial degeneration in
Wide Sargasso Sea. So far, I have presented the European’s rejection of the birracial and from now
on, I will concentrate on the manifestation of cultural hybridism through the miscegenated’s
identification with blacks. Actually, the same way Rhys offers us reasons to distrust Antoinette’s
metamorphosis, she opens possibilities to such happening provided that such episode of the novel
symbolizes Antoinette’s becoming a new Bertha and identifying with blacks. Although the second
reading about blackening falls in contradiction with the former mechanism, it is important to know
that Rhys creates paradoxes to confuse her reader and to provide him with no clear answer. As
Hutcheon says, “postmodern fiction invites intentional contradictions” (1989: p. 45).
If, in Jane Eyre, superstition supposedly reinforces racism, Caribbean myths are used to defy
Eurocentricism in Wide Sargasso Sea. To do so, Rhys uses magic realism to represent cultural
phenomena, to disrupt both Rochesters’ view of reality and to rupture with the colonizing logic. As
Bill Ashcroft et al explain, magic realism has been used in post-colonial fiction to depict cultural
realities other than the colonizer’s:
The term [magic realism] (...) had its imaginative life rooted in a living
tradition of the mythic, the legendary and the magical. (...) However, its
origins in the 1950s lay in the specific need to wed Caribbean social
revolution to local cultural tradition. [Concerning the colonized’s particular
reality,] [m]ythic and magical traditions (...) were the distinctive feature of
their local and national cultures, (...) [being] the collective forms by which
they gave expression to their identity and articulated their difference from
212).
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the dominant colonial and racial oppressors (ASHCRAFT et al, 1998: p.
132-3).
In her approach to magic realism, Rhys transforms Brontë’s gothicism into culture-specific
representations of the West Indies, replacing the figure of the European living-dead (the Vampire)
for a Caribbean living dead (the Zombie). This switch is extremely significant because the Zombie
is a symbol historically associated with black’s defiance of the colonizers, a figure that represents
the Afro-Caribs’ political power. When blacks poisoned whites or killed them during the wars
between 1780 and 1834, they said that the missing had become Zombies.
Furthermore, the Zombie is an important icon because Rochester thinks his wife becomes a
living-dead during her mutations. Albeit such supposition expresses prejudice from the colonizer to
the colonized, Rhys takes advantage of this fact. Indeed, Rochester’s fear of Zombies gives
Antoinette some empowerment: “It was getting dark. (...) I was lost and afraid among these enemy
trees (...).‘Is there a ghost, a zombie there?’, I persisted. ‘Don’t know nothing of this foolishness’
[said Baptiste]” (WSS, p. 65). Rochester’s fright is so evident that servants scorn him before
Antoinette: “Your husban’ he outside and he look like he see zombie” (WSS, p. 61). So, because of
his superstition, he starts reading about the West-Indian culture:
‘A zombie is a dead person who seems to be alive or a living person who is
dead. A zombie can also be the spirit of a place, usually malignant but
sometimes to be propitiated with sacrifices or offerings of flowers and fruit
(...) but I have noticed that negroes as a rule refuse to discuss the black
magic in which so many believe. Voodoo as it is called in Haiti Obeah in
some of the islands, another name in South America. They confuse matters
by telling lies if pressed. The white people, sometimes credulous, pretend to
dismiss the whole thing as nonsense. Cases of sudden or mysterious death
are attributed to a poison known to the negroes which cannot be traced. It is
further complicated (...)’ (WSS, p. 66).
Rochester’s suspicion that Antoinette has become a Zombie has to do with her motherly
affection for Christophine: the most respectful sorceress in the region. Assuming that his wife has
learned black magic from the witch, Rochester sends Christophine away so Antoinette detaches
from paganism: “Christophine is an evil old woman and you know it as well as I do. (...) She won’t
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stay here very much longer” (WSS, p. 94). Since then, Antoinette avoids talking about Christophine.
However, the protagonist knows how skillful her friend is at voodoo:
[T]hey brought presents of fruit and vegetables and after dark I often heard
voices in the kitchen. (...) They talk about Christophine that changed
Coulibri. I knew her room so well. (...) Yet one day when I was waiting
there I was suddenly very much afraid. I was certain (...) there was a dead
man’s dried hand, white chicken feathers, a cock with its throat cut, dying
slowly, slowly. Drop by drop the blood was falling into a red basin and I
imagined I could hear it. No one had ever spoken to me about obeah but I
knew what I would find if I dared to look. Then Christophine came in
smiling and pleased to see me (WSS, p. 6, 13).
Actually, the fact that Antoinette is seen both as hysteric and a sorceress can be historically
explained. As Helène Cixout points out, “[t]his feminine role, the role of the sorceress, of the
hysteric, is ambiguous antiestablishment (...). (...) [E]very sorceress ends up being destroyed (...).
Every hysteric ends up [confined]” (1986: p. 5). Also according to Foucault, the sorceress is insane
and dangerous because she can prepare poisoning formulas: “penalties are applied to all those who
used potions or poison” (1972: p. 98) [My translation]; and, indeed, both Bertha and Antoinette
know about secret compositions. In Jane Eyre, Rochester makes sure Jane has not been poisoned:
“Did you find poison, or a dagger, that you look so mournful right now?” (JE, p. 279).
Concerning Wide Sargasso Sea, poison also plays a very important role. Long before
Antoinette’s mutation, she insisted with Christophine on preparing a love potion, assuming that, if
Rochester drank from the magic liquid, he would love her back. Although Christophine explains
that such subterfuge will not work out with békés (white people), Antoinette does not lose heart
until she achieves her goal. Crying and making childish gestures, she persuades Christophine to
make some obeah:
‘If the man don’t love you, I can’t make him love you’. ‘Yes, you can. (...).
That is what I wish and that is why I came here. You can make people love
or hate. Or ... or die’. She threw back her head and laughed loudly. (...) ‘So
you believe in that tim-tim story about obeah (...) ? All that foolishness and
folly. Too besides, that is not for béké. Bad, bad trouble when béké meddle
with that’. ‘You must’, I said. You must’. ‘Hush up. Jo-jo my son coming
to see me, if he catch you crying, he tell everybody’. ‘I will be quiet,
I will not cry. But Christophine, if he, my husband, could come to me one
night. Once more. I would make him love me’. (...). ‘Even if I can make him
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come to your bed, I cannot make him love you. Afterward he hate you’
(WSS, p. 70).
In possession of the obeah, Antoinette feels hopeful. Thus, when Rochester feels sexually
attracted to her again, she makes him drink the formula. As Christophine had previewed, the
chemical does not produce any magic effect. On the contrary, Rochester panics with the potion’s
side effects, claiming that he has been poisoned and that he is becoming a Zombie, too. Since then,
he feels resolute to take her to England and to confine her more than ever:
The light changed her. I had never seen her so gay or so beautiful. She
poured wine into two glasses and handed me one but I swear it was before I
drank that I longed to bury my face in her hair as I used to do. I said, ‘We
are letting ghosts trouble us. (...)’ She said, ‘Christophine knows about
ghosts too, but that is not what she calls them’. She needed not have done
what she did to me. I always swear that, she needed not have done it. When
she handed me the glass she was smiling. I remember saying in a voice that
was not like my own that it was too light. I remember putting out the
candles on the table near the bed and that is all I remember. All I will
remember of the night. I woke in the dark after dreaming that I was buried
alive, and when I was awake the feeling of suffocation persisted. Something
was lying across my mouth; hair with a sweet heavy smell. I threw it off but
still I could not breathe. I shut my eyes and lay without moving for a few
seconds. When I opened them I saw the candles burnt down on that
abominable dressing-table, then I knew where I was. (...) I was cold too,
deathly cold and sick and in pain. (...) I could not vomit. I only retched
painfully. I thought, I have been poisoned (WSS, p. 87-8).
Rejection of paganism was something very strong in the Victorian mentality because of the
influence of Christian values by then. Actually, the male white were advised to avoid the heathen
woman. Particular sermons by Saint Paul about the Christian’s purification and his duty to part with
the unbeliever, served the purpose of racism. As Cixous stresses, “the sorceress incarnates the
reinscription of traces of paganism that triumphant Christianity repressed” (1986: p. 5). As a matter
of fact, sorcery is an important subject in Wide Sargasso Sea because Antoinette only turns into
victorious Bertha because she identifies with Christophine: the sorceress.
Even though identification with blacks is a recurrent theme in Rhys’s writing, in Wide
Sargasso Sea, this issue achieves greater accomplishment and portrays Rhys’s personal desire to be
black with a higher tenor of symbolism. In Voyage in the Dark, for instance, Anna Morgan (the
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protagonist) wishes she were black: “I wanted to be black. I always wanted to be black. (...) Being
black is warm and gay, being white is cold and sad”
6
. However, Anna does not have the opportunity
to make her will come true. In Black Exercise Book (a volume published posthumously), Rhys
confesses to have always found it very hard to get close to Afro-Caribs because of their centenary
distancing from whites or white creoles: “I longed to be identified once and for all with the other
side which is of course impossible. I couldn’t change the colour of my skin” (1991: p. 21).
Once Rhys cannot become black, by parodying biological essences and racial degeneration,
she lets her character identify with ‘the other side’ and blur the frontiers of genetics. Albeit we
cannot affirm that Antoinette’s complexion has really changed, such possibility cannot be discarded,
either. After all, Wide Sargasso Sea is a gothic novel in which magic realism invites ambiguities
and does not provide us with logic answers. As Plasa remarks, “[Antoinette] moves towards a
translation of dream into action, self into other” (PLASA, 2000: p. 96-7); and if this dream
corresponds to Rhys’s desire to be black, it is likely that Antoinette may have grown darker in
analogy to Bertha’s modification. Though Rhys does not talk about this particularity overtly, she
declares in another letter: “Antoinette herself comes back so changed” (RHYS: 1984: p. 140).
Of course, this is only a conjecture; but one that cannot be contested. After all, when
imprisoned, Antoinette does not have a mirror and does not know what she looks like: “There is no
looking-glass here and I don’t know what I look like now” (WSS, p. 116). Regardless whether or not
Antoinette’s biotype has changed, for certain, she goes through inner modifications in a way the
protagonist is not the same at the closure of the novel.
Since her childhood, the protagonist finds motherly love in Christophine, mainly because
Annette showed clear preference for Pierre: “My mother (...) pushed me away, not roughly but
calmly, coldly, without a word, as if she had decided once and for all I was useless to her” (WSS, p.
5). So, when Annette is imprisoned, the daughter is rejected once and for all: “She pushed me away
and cried when I went to see her” (WSS, p. 85). Owing to this, Antoinette becomes even more
attached to Christophine and does not feel embarrassed to embrace her near her husband: “‘Why do
you hug and kiss Christophine?’ (...) ‘Why not?’ I wouldn’t hug and kiss the negroes. I couldn’t’”
(WSS, p. 55) [Emphasis in original].
6
RHYS, Jean. Voyage in the Dark. London: Penguin Books, 1967. p. 27.
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Concerning Antoinette’s becoming a new Bertha, there is foreshadowing since she first has
her hair cut. As her aunt says, “‘Your hair will grow again’, she said. ‘Longer and thicker’. ‘But
darker, I said’ (WSS, p. 24). Soon afterwards, strange children say that Antoinette looks like a
Zombie: “She have eyes like zombie and you have eyes like zombie too. Why you won’t look at
me” (WSS, p. 27). Like the children, Rochester also notices that she looks fixedly: “She never blinks
at all it seems to me. Long, sad, dark alien eyes” (WSS, p. 37). Later, when Antoinette sinks into
depression, Christophine says that the protagonist does look like a sourcriant, that is, a Zombie:
“Your face like dead woman and your eyes red like sourcriant. Keep yourself quiet” (WSS, p. 73).
In different ways, the narrative urges Antoinette to become Bertha.
After Rochester discovers that his mad mother-in-law was named Annette, he refuses to call
his wife by her own name to avoid analogy. In this way, he gives her the pseudonym of Bertha:
“‘Good night, Bertha’. He never calls me Antoinette now. He has found out it was my mother’s
name. ‘I hope you will sleep well, Bertha’” (WSS. p. 70). At first, Antoinette does not like being
called so and she even feels offended with that. But still, Rochester insists on the nickname: “‘Don’t
laugh like that, Bertha’. ‘My name is not Bertha; why do you call me Bertha?’ ‘Because it’s a
particular name I’m fond of’. (...) ‘Not Bertha tonight’, she said. ‘Of course, on this of all nights,
you must be Bertha’” (WSS, p. 86-7).
Ironically, the name Antoinette hates so much is the persona who is going to set her free. As
long as the narrative flows, Antoinette understands that, in her process of becoming, she will be
another person. This aspect of the hypertext not only involves intertextuality but also comprises
questions of cultural identity and the mutability of one’s subjectivity. As Stuart Hall and Paul du
Gays say, cultural identity is not fixed. It is historically, socially and personally constructed. Identity
is a fluid, metamorphic and dynamic mechanism of interaction between the individual and the
cosmos; a process that allows Antoinette to become Bertha:
The concept of identity deployed here is therefore not an essentialist, but a
strategic and positional one. That is to say, directly contrary to what appears
to be its settled semantic career, this concept of identity does not signal that
stable core of the self, unfolding from beginning to end through the
vicissitudes of history without change; the bit of the self which remains
always-already ‘the same’, identical to itself across time (HALL & DU
GAYS, 2002: p. 3).
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Experiencing inner changes, Antoinette gradually embodies Bertha. Only through this
procedure she can avenge against the man who stole her money, made her feel as a sexual object
and ultimately imprisoned her. Undoubtedly, her process is not any easy. Sometimes she feels
confused because, though she knows her old identity is fading away, she does not know whom she
is turning into. In this way, Antoinette goes through a crisis of identity fundamental to the dialogism
between Wide Sargasso Sea and Jane Eyre:
I [Bertha] saw Antoinette drifting out of the window with her scents, her
pretty clothes and her looking-glass. (...) I remember watching myself brush
my hair and how my eyes looked back at me. The girl I saw was myself yet
not quite myself. Long ago when I was a child and very lonely I tried to kiss
her. But the glass was between us hard, cold and misted over with my
breath. Now they have taken everything away. What am I doing in this
place and who am I? (WSS, p. 116).
From this quotation, we can infer that Bertha has always striven to come out of Antoinette’s
unconscious when she looks in the mirror. But now that Antoinette has lost interest in colonizing
values, she is ready to liberate a persona she had always repressed. As Rhys comments, “She
[Bertha] is ‘lost Antoinette’” (RHYS, 1984: p. 140); and contradictorily, just when Antoinette gets
lost, she awakens to play her intertextual role at Thornfield Hall. Before dying, Rhys’s heroine has
the chance to look at herself and see how much she has changed: “It was then that I saw her. The
ghost. The woman with streaming hair. She was surrounded by a gilt frame but I knew her” (WSS, p.
122). At last, Antoinette recognizes her other side: Bertha.
Differently from Wide Sargasso Sea, in Jane Eyre, the mestizo’s death is terrifying and, at
least from Rhys’s point-of-view, the Caribbean woman Brontë portrays ends defeated. She is the
witch who has to die so that Rochester’s torments come to an end. So much so that, during the fire
at Thornfield Hall, the madwoman falls from the balcony screaming in agony as if she were
punished for what she had done:
[Rochester] went up to the attics when all was burning above and below,
and got the servants out of the beds and helped them down himself, and
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went back to get his mad wife out of the cell. (...) She was a big woman, and
had long black hair: we could see it streaming against the flames as she
stood. (...) [W]e heard him call ‘Bertha!’ We saw him approach her, and
then, (...) she yelled and gave a spring, and the next minute she lay smashed
on the pavement (...) Dead (...) as the stones on which her brains and blood
were scattered (JE, p. 423).
Unsatisfied with the way the creole woman is lastly depicted in Jane Eyre, Rhys thinks of
another way to present Antoinette’s death. Conveying an epic atmosphere, the novelist wants her
protagonist to pass away heroically, striving for freedom and proud of what she has done. No
regrets, no remorse and, above all, no failure, no defeat: “Lastly: Her end I want it in a way
triumphant! (...) She burns the house and kills herself (bravo!) very soon” (RHYS, 1984: p. 137,
145). Due to this fact, Wide Sargasso Sea is a novel of defiance. It not only defies Jane Eyre but
also the Victorian understanding of madness, sexuality, miscegenation, paganism as well as the
double power of husband-colonizer. If suffices to say that Wide Sargasso Sea is one of the first
novels in English language to link feminism to post-colonial ideas (EMERY, 1990: p. 168).
Intertextually, Rhys evokes the old image of Thornfield Hall falling down as if the decay of
the building represented the decadence of patriarchy and imperialism: “The grim blackness of the
stones told by what fate the Hall had fallen by conflagration. (...) As he [Rochester] came down
the staircase at last, after Mrs. Rochester had flung herself from the battlements, there was great
crash all fell” (JE, p. 424). To present Antoinette/Bertha as a winner, Rhys avoids closure and
presents Antoinette/Bertha as “a furious woman with a torch” (RHODY, 1993: p. 220).
Eventually, Antoinette/Bertha is supposed to fly like a bird out of her cage and not to be
someone whose brains are scattered on the rocks. Not coincidentally, the protagonist remembers her
mother’s parrot before she jumps away but she does not want to end like him: “Coco [was] on the
glacis railings with his feathers alight. He made an effort to fly down but his clipped wings failed
him and he fell screeching. He was all on fire” (WSS, p. 22). Unlike Coco, Antoinette wants to rise
and feels like floating: “I dropped the candle I was carrying and it caught the end of a tablecloth and
I saw flames shoot up. As I ran or perhaps floated or flew (...) I heard the parrot call as he did when
he saw a stranger, Qui est là? Qui est là? [Who is there? Who is there?]” (WSS, p. 122) [My
translation].
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At this point of Wide Sargasso Sea, Rhys allows the heroine to hallucinate so the character
can envisage a way out in that despairing situation: “I knew how to get away from the heat and the
shouting, for there was shouting now. When I was out in the battlements it was cool (...) Then I
turned around and saw the sky. It was red and all my life was in it” (WSS, p. 123). At last,
Antoinette realizes it is time to beat her wings and leave the cage. The more the fire brings her
recollections of Coulibri, the more she alternates flashes from past with scenes from the present. At
this moment, Rochester calls her but she would not listen. Antoinette/Bertha is now in a stream of
consciousness; then, when the breeze caresses her hair, making her feel light and free, she dreams of
soaring towards eternity and finally does so:
I heard (...) the man who hated me was calling too, Bertha! Bertha! The
wind caught my hair and it streamed out like wings. It might bear me up if I
jumped to those hard stones. But when I looked over the edge I saw the pool
at Coulibri. (...) And I heard the man’s voice, Bertha! Bertha! All this I saw
and heard in a fraction of a second (...) Now I know why I was brought here
and what I have to do (WSS, p. 123).
Intertextually, Antoinette is taken to Thornfield Hall to revert Bertha’s plight but, apart from
parody, she goes to England to accomplish an old promise of revenge made to Rochester. So, when
she burns his patrimony, she feels victorious and empowered: “I am not a forgetting person (...). I
hate you and before I die I will show you like I hate you” (WSS, p. 85, 95). According to Rody, it is
advantageous to think of Bertha and Antoinette as if they were the same character just in case we
read Wide Sargasso Sea as another version of the same story. As the scholar poses, “female critics
[do not] consider the autonomy of Rhys’s text a ‘crucial’ question; most are interested, rather, in the
nature of its attachments to Jane Eyre” (RHODY, 1993: p. 224). In spite of pros and cons, in a way,
this assumption benefits us with the possibility of imagining what happens to Rochester after
Antoinette’s death.
In Jane Eyre, the creole’s fury injures him so badly that he can never recover entirely: “He
was taken out of the ruins, alive, but sadly hurt: (..) one eye was knocked out, and one hand, so
crushed that Mr. Carter, the surgeon had to amputate it directly. The other eye inflamed: he lost the
sight of that also. He is now helpless indeed – blind, and a cripple” (JE, p. 424).
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Although Rhys makes a point not to deploy Antoinette’s death, she feels discontented with
the impossibility to show Rochester after the burning in her open narrative. Owing to this, Rhys
writes “Obeah Night” (1966), a poem in which Rochester is the lyric I and someone who misses
Antoinette desperately:
She was a stranger/ Wearing the mask of pain (...)/ I turned away Traitor/
Too sane to face my madness (...)/ Far too cold and sane (...) Over my dead
love/ Over a sleeping girl/ I drew a sheet/ Cover the stains of tears/ Cover
the marks of blood/ (...) Always she answers me/ I will hate last./ Lost,
lovely Antoinette/ How can I forget you? (...) Where did you go?/ I’ll never
see you now/ I’ll never know/ For you left me my truest love/ Long ago
(Apud RHYS, 2000: p. 141-3).
Recapturing, intertextually, many episodes of Wide Sargasso Sea with nostalgia, the lyric I
resents his faults, wails his miseries and laments for not having valued Antoinette: his beloved wife
and ‘true’ love. In the fifth stanza, the creole appears as a romantic heroine. Deceased but respected,
praised, pledged, worshiped, adored and venerated by her inconsolable male lover, who now cries in
great despair. On the whole, the poem follows the structure of a romantic lyric ballad, in conformity
with what Rhys says in her letter to Windham (April, 1964): “I insist that she [Antoinette] must be
lovely (...). ‘All in the romantic tradition’” (RHYS, 1984: p. 140). Lastly, both in Wide Sargasso
Sea and in “Obeah Night”, the creole is not mad for metabolic dysfunctions, uncontrolled volupia or
hereditary madness. She is only misunderstood and forsaken.
CONCLUSION
Throughout this dissertation, I intended to show how Rhys reads madness as a mask of
prejudice against miscegenation, sexual freedom, and above all, against woman. By contrasting
Brontë’s representation of madness to Rhys’s post-colonial view about the subject-matter, I hope to
have clarified how the Caribbean writer defies scientific and religious truths and transforms heredity
into patriarchal oppression, depravation into sexual freedom, biological hybridism into cultural
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hybridity, racial degeneration into cultural identification. Her questioning of truths demonstrates
that ideology can be relativized and that there is always another version of the facts to counteract
hegemonic discourses.
I also hope to have made clear that one cannot blame Brontë for what she has written about
creoles and their mental or metabolic vulnerability. After all, she only took advantage of ideas
widely spread at her time to make woman look monstrous, terrifying. Jane Eyre is also very
subversive and, as a gothic novel, it both appropriates and undermines scientific discourses. The
reason why I have chosen to work on these two narratives comes from the possibility to explore
them in a perspective that does not privilege the relation between woman and lunacy; but one that
shows how increasing researches about the mestizo’s monstrosity during the 1840’s may have led
Brontë to write about it not necessarily because she herself viewed the birracial woman as a
defective body, but maybe because she wanted to problematize an updated subject.
On the other hand, I cannot affirm that Brontë was not moved by discrimination. After all,
there were numberless theories against miscegenation and immorality between the eighteenth and
nineteenth century. In addition, racial prejudice may be identified in Jane Eyre once only the non-
white woman is presented as insane. Even so, I would like to safeguard myself concerning this
particularity to avoid a radical reading of this novel. Though I do not appreciate Brontë’s depiction
of Bertha at all, I reckon it is not fair to expect that a nineteenth-century author views the world
according to our contemporary perception.
Paradoxically, I assume that Rhys’s undermining Victorian concepts is profitable in many
ways. First of all, the narrative denounces the Eurocentric gaze at the other and displays that
sexuality rules were much more severe to women. Besides, although Antoinette suffers from a
double oppression come from the colonial-patriarchal system, she is not defenseless. Up to a certain
extent, she is victimized; but still, she makes choices. The protagonist follows Rochester out of her
free will. She is proud and she knows that if she is left behind, her reputation will be ruined in the
West Indies once and for all. She will always be seen as a fallen woman, rejected by her husband.
Balancing pros and cons, she refuses to accept Sandi’s help and tries to start a new life with
Rochester therein. In addition, Antoinette goes to Europe moved by curiosity. She wishes to know
England, the fabulous place she reads about in encyclopaedias. In intertextual terms, Antoinette has
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to leave the Caribbean because she has a duty, an incumbency: to become Bertha; and when she
realizes she has been deceived, she fulfills her promise of revenge. She is a fighter, the Zombie:
furious, raging and implacable. No Rochester will detain her. Nothing will stop her.
On top of it all, Wide Sargasso Sea is an admirable novel because of Rhys’s ingeniousness.
Her capacity to create a narrative with such density and profundity out of a few pages without losing
track of intertextuality is amazing! Meanwhile, it is wonderful to observe that, in spite of the
hypertext’s dialogue with Jane Eyre, Wide Sargasso Sea is autonomous, self-sufficient and
independent as far as culture and history are concerned. Rhys’s inventiveness transposes copy,
imitation and leads us to a dimension in which the Caribbean space, with its magic and beauty, turns
the creole woman into a central figure. In Wide Sargasso Sea, the Jamaican lives most of her life in
a place where she can enjoy sexual freedom, in spite of suffering racial prejudice. Unlike Bertha’s
ten-year captivity, Antoinette’s imprisonment is short-termed because she needs wings. She needs to
feel the wind blowing and fly away.
Among many things, Wide Sargasso Sea is a story of dreams and frustrations, love and
desire, hope and remorse, truths and lies, pleasure and distress, life and death. It portrays the
bitterness of a woman, the cry of the colonized, the agony of the other; but also stresses her
resistance, wickedness, boldness, courage and empowerment. Fire and heat are her mighty weapons
against tyranny, manipulation and totalization. She is a warrior and when she embodies Bertha,
there is no way to escape her wrath, to avoid the flames, to flee from the burning. In the end, all is
kindled. All is alight. All is consumed. All is debris. All is lost. Lost for ever...
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